In this article, I explore the concept of Passionate Work
Ethics within the framework of affective economy,
suggesting that it shapes the work ethics in today’s flexible and
precarious post-Fordist work organization. I delve into how affects
influence work in our current society, particularly focusing on
immaterial labor within post-Fordist capitalism, with a specific
emphasis on freelance work.
At the core of this study there is a question Spinoza (2002) posed
centuries ago: how do people strive for their own servitude as if it
were for their own salvation? I revisit this question in the context of
contemporary work organization, where many claim to work passionately
and enthusiastically, believing their work fosters personal growth and
self-realization. The initial insight of this article was that there is
a desired aspect to work alongside the necessary dimension of work which
stems from mute compulsion of capitalism. Hence, how does this
compulsory aspect transform into something people desire?
I posit that the power of the post-Fordist Passionate Work Ethics
lies in its connection to a deeply human desire: the longing to engage
in work that we genuinely enjoy and find fulfilling. However, this
desire has been co-opted by capitalist forces, emphasizing profit and
efficiency over genuine fulfillment. Essentially, this work ethics seeks
to make precarity and flexibility appear attractive by invoking what
Spinoza terms passive joyful affects.
The aim of this article is to understand how the prevailing
post-Fordist work regime presents itself as desirable, examining the
affects it generates, the promises it makes, and how workers respond to
these promises. This study reveals the hidden complexities beneath the
surface of what seems like a positive and pleasurable work environment.
Despite people claiming to enjoy and desire their jobs, the reality
often involves facing negative factors such as flexibility issues, job
insecurity, low wages, and extended work hours. Therefore, this article
critically explores the implications of finding joy in our work and
pursuing our passions within the modern context of flexibility and
precarity.
In recent decades, especially among white-collar workers, young
graduates and new professionals, there is a growing expectation that
work should be a fulfilling, enjoyable and passionate pursuit. This
passionate approach to work has become almost standard, especially since
the 1990s. I argue that Passionate Work Ethics helps maintain the
current precarious and flexible job market, which is typical of our
current postFordist labour regime.
The main idea of the article is that the contemporary post-Fordist
work organization, and its accompanying work ethics, the Passionate Work
Ethics, shape our desires, hopes, and fears through affective
investments. In simpler terms, it cultivates a subjectivity in which
people accept and even desire the uncertainties and flexibility of work.
The key question driving this study is: What affective factors influence
people’s willingness to embrace the precarious and flexible work
organization and the immaterial labor that are prevalent today?
To this end, this study examines freelance work as a prime example of
how immaterial labor has become dominant in post-Fordist flexible and
precarious job market. It aims to understand how these working
conditions are promoted as desirable and how Passionate Work Ethics
contributes to this promotion. Focusing on freelance work as a case that
is epitome of the widespread flexible and precarious job market and
immaterial labor, this study hypothesizes that this work ethics creates
a sense of passive joyful affects that makes people desire to work under
neoliberal conditions.
1. Affective Economy
Affective economy framework, influenced by both Marx and Spinoza,
allows us to explore how subjectivity is produced and its affective
aspects within the context of capitalist production relations. It
prompts us to question: What affective mechanisms drive the daily
reproduction of capitalist production relations, and what role does the
affective production of subjectivity play in this process? Reflecting on
Spinoza’s observation that individuals seem to strive for their own
servitude (2002), we can inquire about the factors compelling us to sell
our labor power and participate in capitalist production relations to
sustain our existence or conatus. How does this compulsion
become normalized? How does something imposed upon us transform into
something we passionately desire? And what affective processes are
involved in this transformation?
Affective economy suggests that the economy not only produces goods
and services but also shapes desires, affects, or affective
subjectivities, and these desires and affects are crucial for the
reproduction of any economic mode of production (Read, 2019). This
concept serves as a response to the age-old question posed by Spinoza
but adapted to the contemporary context of capitalist work relations:
How do people enter into wage labor relations as if it were for their
own salvation? How do they desire precarious and flexible work?
It is obvious that the compulsion imposed by capitalism to sell one’s
labor power drives us into wage labor relation. However, we should take
another step to fully comprehend how today’s flexible and precarious
work arrangements are embraced. Because today, there exists a dimension
beyond the economic compulsion of capitalism—a dimension eagerly pursued
due to the promises of work, the satisfactions it offers, and the
fulfillment of our desires. In this context, the notion of the
Passionate Work Ethics highlights the enthusiastic and passionate
integration of individuals who find themselves compelled to enter into
labor relations.
One of the key arguments of this article is that understanding the
reproduction of capitalist work relations in everyday life requires
considering the affective experiences of individuals who perceive,
experience, affect, and are affected by these relations. Collective
emotions and affective regimes are fundamental aspects of how capitalist
employment relations are established and reproduced on the social level.
In other words, capitalist production relations also correspond to what
is possible or impossible, what is desired or undesired in an “affective
life” (Anderson, 2016) or “structures of feelings” (Williams, 1977). In
this context, this article examines the affective regime of post-Fordist
immaterial labor.
It is fair to say that emotions and affects were overlooked in
mainstream social theory for quite some time, despite their significance
in foundational texts like those of Hobbes and Machiavelli. While the
relationship between emotions and politics has recently resurfaced,
termed as ‘cultural’ or ‘affective turn’, this shift risks reducing
everything in social theory to individual experiences and
“repsychologization of the social” (Lordon, 2013, p. 2). Spinoza’s
anti-humanist approach offers an alternative, emphasizing that affects
are not merely individual but also constitute social realities. This
challenges the prevailing notion that views emotions and affects as
purely subjective. Rather, Spinoza suggests that understanding affects
is crucial for grasping the structures and mechanisms that shape social
and political life. Spinoza’s philosophy allows us to see affects “as
constitutive rather than expressive and as social rather than
individual” (Read, 2011). Accordingly, the political ceases to be merely
a matter of individual rational choices. Spinoza shows us that
the political is precisely about understanding the conditions of these
choices and transforming these conditions. In other words, the political
is about these choices and desires, conditioned by, in Read’s (2016)
terms, “transindividual” conditions, which means that subjectivity is
not given but produced. In this regard, conceptualizing the social
organization of affects neither reduces the individual to a mere carrier
of structural conditions nor reduces the economic and political to
individual experience; rather, it means that “economic, political, and
social structures can only exist, reproduce themselves if they operate
at the level of affects and desire” (Read, 2011). By examining how
seemingly individual affects like fear, hope, anger, etc. function
within society, we gain insights into the complex interplay between
affective experiences and social structures. In the context of
capitalist relations of production, understanding the role of affective
production in shaping subjectivity raises questions about what compels
individuals to participate in and perpetuate these relations, and how
such compulsion is normalized.
At this point, the effort by Lordon to blend Spinoza with Marx is
fruitful for deepening our comprehension of the concept of affective
economy. Lordon’s work, influenced by Francophone Spinoza studies, is a
significant contribution that revitalizes the field of ideology studies,
address its shortcomings in analyzing post-Fordist labor relations by
incorporating the concepts of affect – a concept that has largely been
overlooked – thereby enriching the field from a Spinozian viewpoint.
Lordon’s study primarily delves into comprehending the affective
composition of labor in the neoliberal era and explores how individuals
can find themselves desiring conditions of exploitation and dominance in
their daily lives. Lordon’s endeavor fundamentally seeks to unveil the
underlying role of affects and desires in shaping employment relations,
portraying capitalist exploitation as essentially the appropriation and
exploitation of desires and affects. Crucially, Lordon underscores the
historical dimension of desire. In essence, desire is not an isolated
phenomenon but rather contingent upon the societal context it belongs
to, or in simpler terms, the history of each society both gives rises
and sets limits “to the range of undertakings that are possible within
it, that is, to the range of objects of desire that a society consider
legitimate”(Lordon, 2014, p. 5). Lordon coins the term epithumé
to denote this societal barrier confronting desire—drawing from
Foucault’s notion of episteme. Epithumé essentially determines
the affective orientation of society, setting its limits and delineating
its fundamental objects of desire. According to this, capitalism does
not just create systems and rules; it also shapes our wants and desires
which is “a matter of colinearisation, namely, of the production of
suitable desires (suitable to the master-desire)” (Lordon, 2014, p. 35).
It is not just about structures but also about how we feel inside. To
understand capitalism fully, we need to see how it affects both the
world outside and our psyches within.
While desire, as conceptualized by Spinoza, embodies an infinite
existential drive, our desires, as influenced by capitalist structures
(referred to as epithumé), are far from boundless. In practical
terms, within a capitalist framework, individuals are constrained to
meet their basic needs and maintain their livelihoods. For instance,
those with capital may invest or engage in financial markets, while
those reliant solely on their labor power are compelled to seek wage
employment. This distinction does not imply a hierarchy in their
inherent drives but rather manifests in the differing objects of desire
they pursue, with capitalists driven to assert their desires over
others’ by employing them. The ‘master-desire’ of capitalists shapes the
wage labor relationship, where the necessity for money becomes paramount
due to its role in sustaining life within the capitalist system.
Consequently, individuals, driven by the imperative need for money,
often find themselves drawn into wage labor arrangements, reinforcing
the dominance of the capitalist desire. As Lordon (2014, p. 12) said,
“the desire for persevering biologically-materially is narrowed down to
the desire for money, which is in turn narrowed down to the desire to be
employed”. The willing aspect of wage labor operates in the
following manner: Money serves a dual purpose, acting both as a means of
enslavement and liberation. It enslaves by tying individuals to
employment as the route to fulfilling desires, yet it also liberates by
seemingly granting limitless access to desired goods. However, this
sense of freedom offered by money is illusory, as it is ultimately
constrained by the capitalist system.
As Marx argued, “the advance of capitalist production develops a
working class which by education, tradition, and habit looks upon the
requirements of that mode of production as self-evident natural laws”
(1982, p. 899). We learn what is desirable and what is undesirable, and
in fact our desires are tamed within the limits of the capitalist
epithumé. And this obedience is not achieved by brute force,
but precisely by desire. Consistent with Spinoza’s idea, we may be aware
of our desires but often unaware of their underlying causes, leading us
to believe we freely desire what we do without recognizing the
socio-economic factors shaping our desires. Hence, the notion of
passionate servitude (Lordon, 2014, p. 14) as coined by Lordon
from Spinoza’s philosophy, accurately captures individuals’ active
desire, driven by their circumstances, for the servitude and
exploitation of wage labor they feel compelled to choose. In other
words, “the real chains are those of our affects and desires. There is
no such thing as voluntary servitude, there is only passionate
servitude” (Lordon, 2014, p. 14).
Wage serve as the universal equivalent of desire in this
market society in which money is the condition of every possible joy and
desire, according to Lordon. In such a society, unemployment signifies a
disconnection from desired objects, while employment represents
participation in what could be termed the affective economy of hope and
fear. Thus, becoming wage labor is not solely driven by fear of
unemployment but also by the necessity of generating feelings of joy,
pleasure, and hope to sustain the dominance of this system. According to
Spinoza, if domination relies solely on coercion and fear, it leads to
sadness and diminishes our ability to act. Therefore, fostering feelings
of joy and hope is crucial to empowering individuals to accept and
engage with their circumstances. Essentially, power thrives on being
desired, forming the foundation of obedience. In simpler terms, societal
mechanisms operate because we desire them to, believing that fulfilling
our desires requires their functioning.
Here, we can explore Lordon’s endeavor to incorporate desires into
the social fabric and dominant desires, thereby situating capitalist
epithumé within the historical ebbs and flows of capitalism. As
previously mentioned, desires have their own historical trajectory. From
this viewpoint, the affective composition of society undergoes
historical shifts in tandem with broader changes in social relations and
modes of production. For instance, individuals or societies facing
precarious circumstances often lean more towards fear than hope.
Conversely, an increasing in security and survival prospects can prompt
a shift from fear to hope as the prevailing affect. In essence, the
affective composition aligns with the prevailing, socially ingrained
collective sentiment, akin to Williams’ notion of structures of
feeling (1977), which delineates experiences within specific
historical-social contexts. Additionally, affective composition can also
be compared to the concept of emotional
tonality/situation used by Virno to refer to the “ways of
being and feeling so pervasive that they end up being common to the most
diverse contexts of experience (work, leisure, feelings, politics,
etc.)” (2004, p. 84). These frameworks underscore the societal
construction of affects and their nexus with material production
relations. Consequently, specific emotions and affective states ascend
to dominance over time, driven by the dynamics of class relations in
distinct historical periods.
Lordon periodizes the ways of articulating desires to the social
structure and adapting to the masterdesire, that is, colinearisation,
with a historical perspective. The initial phase aligns with
capitalism’s primitive accumulation process, where labor becomes subject
to capital’s formal subsumption. This period is defined by a core
principle regarding how affects shape labor: the imperative to sell
labor power for survival. Workers, expelled from their lands and means
of production, had no recourse but to engage in wage labor, driven
primarily by a sad affect –fear of survival and starvation– due to
primitive accumulation. Fear, as the primary force of conatus, dictated
the affective landscape under formal subsumption during this phase. In
this sense, as Read argued, “primitive accumulation is not just the
destruction of any commons and the accumulation of wealth; it is also a
primitive accumulation of conatus, of striving, as it precludes other
means of self-preservation” (2016, p. 158).
The subsequent stage sees the emergence of Fordism and consumerism.
Here, according to Lordon, the capitalist drive transitions from
survival to consumption. According to Lordon, the Fordist configuration
of capitalist epithumé “consisted in supplementing the sad
affects of the spur of hunger with the joyful affects of the expanded
access to consumable commodities, augmenting the desire to avoid an evil
(material destitution) with the desire to pursue goods” (Lordon, 2014,
p. 36). In this sense, the fear of starving, “the sadness of work is
compensated for with the joys of consumption” (Read, 2016, p. 160). The
fear of starvation is counterbalanced by the pleasure derived from
consumption. In the era of the welfare state, where labor security is
relatively assured, albeit for select groups, the affective landscape of
labor is marked by hope and passive joy, following a Spinozist
interpretation. Lordon contends that the Fordist structure of capitalist
motivation essentially seeks to balance the sad fear of starvation with
the joyous access to consumer products.
In the third stage, which is the post-Fordist period, Lordon argues
that the capitalist epithumé addresses two affective challenges
from previous phases: during the primitive accumulation era, the fear of
survival inherent in labor was a driving force for conatus, yet it
evoked sadness which is passive; while in the Fordist era of prosperity,
the joy experienced was genuine but also passive. Lordon suggests that
within the framework of the neoliberal epithumé, these
limitations are overcome by transforming work itself, specifically wage
labor, into an active source of joy:
The neoliberal epithumogenesis undertakes to produce intrinsic joyful
affects, that is, affects that are intransitive rather than ceded to
objects outside the activity of wage labor itself (as consumption goods
are). Hence it is the activity itself that must be reconstructed, both
objectively and in the imagination, as a source of immediate joy. The
desire to find employment should no longer be merely a mediated desire
for the goods that wages circuitously permit buying, but an intrinsic
desire for the activity for its own sake. Neoliberal epithumogenesis
thus assumes the specific task of producing on a large-scale desires
that did not previously exist, or that existed only in a minority of
capitalist enclaves: desires for happy labor, or, to borrow directly
from its own vocabulary, desires for ‘fulfilment’ and ‘self-realisation’
in and through work (Lordon, 2014, p. 37).
In the context of the neoliberal epithumé, where the modern
individual is progressively becoming their own entrepreneur, the
situation of being able to sell one’s labor power becomes the immediate
prerequisite for self-realization. According to this, in the neoliberal
epithumé in which the modern individual “increasingly become an
entrepreneur of the self” (Read, 2016, p. 236), work has become the
immediate condition of self-realization.
To sum up, wage ensures both the reproduction of labor power (i.e.,
conatus, in the Spinozist sense) and the satisfaction of desires in
capitalist society. Work concretely determines our life, the conditions
and possibilities of surviving and pursuing the conatus. We can say that
the compulsion to sell our labor, as the only way to survive in
capitalism, to pursue our conatus in capitalist relations of production,
is the fundamental determination that limits the contingency of life.
Within this context, conatus as the ontological principle of
perseverance in existence intersects with the economy, with work/wage as
the determinant of our life, that is, the pursuing of the conatus and
allows us to consider the economy on an affective dimension. Today, this
affective dimension goes beyond the necessity to work for survival,
appealing to affects and the desire for freedom. The capitalist
epithumé, in the context of neoliberalism and its work ethics,
creates an intrinsic motivation to the work itself and demands from the
employees the ambition of seeking satisfaction from the work itself
today. Therefore, Passionate Work Ethics should be seen as a part of the
neoliberal epithumé, as a work ethics targeting,
[T]he energies and capacities of the body, and the objects and aims
of its desire. (…) This involves the cultivation of habits, the
internalization of routines, the incitement of desires, and the
adjustment of hopes, all to guarantee a subject’s adequacy of the
lifetime demands of work. (Weeks, 2011, p. 54).
2. Passionate Work Ethics
In modern economies, work has evolved significantly since the decline
of Fordism in the 1970s. This evolution, often referred to as
neoliberalism or post-Fordism, involves a decrease in traditional job
contracts, a rise in self-employment and entrepreneurship, increased job
insecurity, and the practice of outsourcing. Scholars debate how these
changes impact individuals’ attachment to work. Some argue that personal
connections to work have weakened due to these economic shifts. Authors
like Beck & Beck-Gernsheim (2001), Bauman (2005), and Sennett (2007)
suggest that traditional sources of attachment are disappearing, making
it harder for employees to feel personally connected to their work.
However, others contend that work remains influential in shaping
identities, with new forms of attachment emerging as traditional ones
fade away.
The topic of how people bond with their work, whether through new
forms of attachment or changes in existing ones, has been extensively
discussed in relevant literature over time (Cech, 2021; Cockayne, 2015;
DePalma, 2021; Donzelot, 1991; Weeks, 2011). It is apparent that there
is a shift in how people relate to their work in today’s neoliberal
environment, characterized by an emphasis on individualism rather than a
complete loss of personal attachment. This discourse is fueled by the
neoliberal belief that individuals are accountable for their own
success, particularly evident in discussions around self-employment and
entrepreneurship.
This section delves into what I term Passionate Work Ethics
as a prevalent form of personal attachment to work within the current
post-Fordist working framework. It is important to note that I am not
suggesting this is the sole valid form of attachment, nor does it affect
everyone equally. However, I argue that Passionate Work Ethics are the
dominant emotional framework in today’s flexible and precarious
post-Fordist working conditions, especially within the realm of
immaterial labor. While diverse affective structures may exist in
different contexts, this article focuses on the operations of Passionate
Work Ethics intrinsic to immaterial labor and freelance work, emblematic
of the precarious and flexible nature of contemporary post-Fordist work
environments.
In today’s context, passion is seen as crucial for both workers and
employers. According to Tokumitsu (2014), the motto “do what you love,
love what you do” has become a prevalent philosophy in the workforce.
Likewise, McRobbie (2016) observed that having a passion for work is now
considered a standard requirement.
We can observe a new managerial approach that prioritizes
psychological and emotional qualities like “passion,” “desire,”
“enthusiasm,” and “self-motivation.” Many scholars have characterized
this trend in such terms (Fleming, 2009; Sandoval, 2017; Jaffe, 2021).
This focus on cultivating passion and enjoyment in the workplace fosters
a jovial, informal atmosphere, which, in turn, enhances employee
engagement and motivation (Hagel, Brown, Ranjan & Byler, 2014).
Numerous empirical studies delve into the phenomenon of personal and
emotional connections to work, particularly within the realm of
precarious freelance jobs and immaterial labor. For instance, DePalma
(2021) discusses the passion paradigm as the experience of
attraction, enjoyment, motivation, and perseverance at work. Rao &
Neely (2019), on the other hand, highlight a passion schema
prevalent in white-collar jobs, wherein individuals displaying
enthusiasm and passion are favored in hiring and promotion processes,
aligning with the idea of passion as emotional capital.
Rivera’s research (2015) on elite company recruitment processes
underscores the importance of demonstrating enthusiasm and desire during
job interviews, often revealing class dynamics in the pursuit of
passion.
The pursuit of one’s passions often entails significant sacrifices,
including engaging in unpaid work. Mackenzie & McKinlay (2021)
characterize this as hope labor, where individuals undertake
unpaid or undercompensated work in hopes of future opportunities, often
driven by the precariousness of neoliberalism. This dynamic perpetuates
an entrepreneurial mindset, where individuals invest in their future
despite current uncertainties. Cech’s research (2021) on university
students and graduates supports these findings, showing that many
prioritize finding fulfilling work over income and job security.
However, this passion principle is often only viable for the
economically privileged, while those lacking financial safety nets face
greater challenges. Moreover, the passion principle tends to foster an
individualistic culture, where structural issues are overlooked in favor
of personal fulfillment.
In this context, the passion principle also has a “demand side”
(Cech, 2021, p. 28). This suggests that employees willingly consent to
long work hours, the erosion of social rights, immersion in a hustle
culture, and workaholism, rather than being mere victims of manipulative
employers. Moreover, the passion principle seemingly reconciles the
conflicting demands of capitalism for obedient workers and individuals’
expectations for self-expression and freedom. It serves as an affective
mechanism to navigate this tension smoothly at the individual level,
albeit by fully integrating workers into the capitalist work
society.
Furthermore, the pursuit of passion can lead individuals into a
“passion trap,” wherein the emotional rewards of a favored job
overshadow its negative aspects. This romanticization of work
perpetuates self-exploitation, burnout, and loneliness, particularly in
freelance and self-employed contexts where individuals lack collective
support and face heightened competition. Armano and Murgia (2017) and
Murgia and Pulignano (2021) highlight how the illusion of freedom in
freelance and self-employed work can lead to self-exploitation and
erasure of the boundary between work and personal life. Ultimately, the
pursuit of passion in the workplace can mask exploitative dynamics and
perpetuate precariousness, particularly in the absence of organized
opposition and collective solidarity.
All these studies underscore the allure of freedom and autonomy
promised by the new neoliberal work society. It does not only offer
temporal and spatial freedom by breaking away from the constraints of
Fordist work arrangements and its linear trajectory but also presents
work as a realm for self-actualization and personal authenticity. For
instance, as Fleming (2009) highlights, pseudo-authenticity and
pseudo-individuality have become central tenets of neoliberal managerial
ideology, fostering an illusion of freedom. This illusion stems from
“the dilemma between labor’s autonomous self-arrangement and
subordination to precarious work” (Wong & Au-Yeung, 2019, p. 245).
Wong and Au-Yeung’s study indicates that young individuals, particularly
those under thirty, embrace precarity as a means to pursue freedom. For
these “freedom-seekers,” precarity offers the allure of endless
possibilities by removing obstacles to realizing their dreams. They view
stability—a regular and ‘secure’ job—as conflicting with their
innovative and venturesome nature.
Within this context, precarity and flexibility in the neoliberal work
society appear to respond to demands for greater freedom and autonomy at
work, offering a contrast to the routine and mechanical jobs of the
Fordist era. While it provides individuals with more control over their
careers and lives, it also exposes them to income and job insecurity—a
paradox termed “the paradox of new work” by Horgan (2021). Nonetheless,
despite this trade-off, some still prioritize “precarious autonomy” over
a secure career, opting for a life filled with risks and uncertainties
but perceived as exciting and dynamic.
The Passionate Work Ethics aligns with the dynamics of the new
neoliberal work society. Freelance-gig jobs, increasingly prevalent
today, are directly shaped by the Passionate Work Ethics, which disrupts
the work-life balance in favor of work by appealing to individuals’
desires for self-realization and autonomy, as well as employers’
expectations of self-investment from employees. This intervention often
leads to a paradox: on one hand, it fosters autonomous and free
subjectivity, while on the other, it creates disrupted and insecure
employment conditions. However, the Passionate Work Ethics provides a
framework that makes this paradox tolerable, suggesting that
freelance-gig jobs fulfill employees’ aspirations for autonomy, freedom,
flexibility, self-realization, and fulfillment.
2.1. Main Promises of Post-Fordist Passionate Work
Ethics
We can now discern the key promises characterizing the affective
appeal of today’s neoliberal work environment by examining concepts
found in relevant literature, job postings, and company materials.
Commonly advertised features of freelancing-gig work, as observed on
various freelance job platforms and company websites, include high
income potential and opportunities for additional earnings, freedom,
spatial mobility and flexibility in scheduling, the ability to arrange
work-life balance, self-realization, autonomy as a solopreneur, job
satisfaction and low stress. Alongside these promises, personal
shortcomings may be highlighted; for instance, those hesitant to embrace
flexible freelance opportunities might be portrayed as lacking in
entrepreneurial spirit, or individuals stuck in unfulfilling jobs may be
led to believe it is due to their own decisionmaking. Furthermore,
certain requirements and skills are often emphasized, such as passion,
accessibility, time and cost management proficiency, resilience in
handling financial uncertainties, and the ability to build a personal
brand. Throughout my research, these broad categories emerged
consistently under different labels and recurred in my case study
findings, prompting their organization into following overarching
themes.
2.1.1. Narration of Freedom and Autonomy
Passionate Work Ethics primarily champion freedom and autonomy, with
freelance jobs epitomizing these ideals by offering independence from
traditional hierarchies. Freelancers enjoy the freedom to choose their
work, clients, and schedule, devoid of the constraints of a 9-to-5
routine. This promise of freedom appeals especially to those seeking
liberation from monotonous office life.
Autonomy, a concept closely tied to freedom, underscores the ability
to work independently, without answering to superiors. The notion of
“being your own boss” epitomizes it, contrasting with the familial
rhetoric often employed in corporate settings. Freelance work thus
emerges as a solution for individuals who feel restricted by corporate
structures.
2.1.2. Spatiotemporal Flexibility and Ability to
Adjust Work-Life Balance
The focus on freedom and autonomy leads us to consider the importance
of adapting to flexible schedules and maintaining a work-life balance.
The idea of spatiotemporal flexibility, promoted by neoliberal
Passionate Work Ethics, serves as a guise for neoliberal transformation.
While freelance work is touted as offering improved daily organization
and work-life harmony, it also carries risks such as indefinite working
hours and income instability.
Neoliberalism places the burden of managing these risks on the
individual, extolling the virtues of adaptability and resilience in the
face of uncertainty. Flexibility is praised as fostering
open-mindedness, enhancing problem-solving skills, and breaking free
from rigid life patterns, supposedly leading to a more enjoyable life.
Consequently, embracing temporal flexibility and confronting risks
head-on have become defining characteristics of the contemporary
entrepreneurial mindset.
2.1.3. Self-Realization and
Self-Improvement
Another significant aspect is the promise that freelance work offers
avenues for self-realization, personal growth, and escaping from
mundane, unfulfilling jobs. Here, work is viewed as more than just a
means of earning a living; it is seen as a vehicle for finding purpose,
progressing in life, and fostering personal development.
As mentioned in discussing the promise of freedom, there is a genuine
fulfillment of the desire for autonomy. Traditional 9-to-5 jobs often
trap individuals in roles they find meaningless, leading to what is
often termed as “bullshit jobs” (Graeber, 2018). In contrast, freelance
work, chosen freely based on personal interests and passions, does not
entail such drudgery. By pursuing work aligned with their aspirations,
freelancers achieve life balance, self-realization, and tap into their
potential through intellectual, physical, and emotional satisfaction.
The belief that work is a reflection of one’s desires and choices
integrates it deeply into one’s sense of identity.
2.1.4. Affectional Satisfaction
Another promise of Passionate Work Ethics is the assertion that
non-monetary fulfillment outweighs monetary rewards. It suggests that
even with a high salary, working in a job one lacks passion for would
not bring satisfaction. Instead, it advocates for pursuing work that one
genuinely loves and desires, prioritizing affective and intellectual
contentment over material concerns. Criticism of financial issues
related to one’s job is often attributed to personal shortcomings such
as a lack of passion or courage to seek more fulfilling
opportunities.
In addition to the promises outlined earlier, Passionate Work Ethics
also imposes certain obligations that shape employees’ subjectivity.
These obligations are essential for navigating the freelance market and
dealing with the material (income fluctuations, irregular hours) and
moral challenges (stress, pressure to retain clients, loneliness)
arising from flexible and precarious work arrangements. These
obligations include maintaining enthusiasm at work, embracing
uncertainty, viewing risks as opportunities, and introducing flexibility
into life. However, these obligations also highlight the drawbacks of
freelance work.
Importantly, the responsibility for addressing these challenges falls
on employees, relying on their financial resources and psychological
resilience. This fosters an individualistic work and life ethics, where
freelancers must effectively market themselves, turning into their own
brand to survive in the competitive freelance market. Everything from
CVs to networking becomes capital, emphasizing the paradox of
individuality within a system that necessitates dependency on others,
such as clients and networks. The promise of controlling work-life
balance is not foolproof either. Adaptation to the flexible and
precarious work environment blurs the line between leisure and work
time, leading freelancers to engage in income-generating activities even
during their leisure hours.
The appeal of flexible freelance work, with its promise of autonomy
and creativity, is undeniable. However, its allure comes hand in hand
with its own set of challenges. While celebrating the benefits of
freelancing, it becomes clear that there exist corresponding negative
sides. For example, while freelancers as autonomous workers enjoy the
freedom to set their own schedules, they also face uncertainties,
insecurity and dependence on clients. Similarly, the ability to work
from anywhere can lead to irregular hours and encroachment on leisure
time.
Despite these negative sides, many freelancers express a genuine
passion for their work, finding it deeply fulfilling. The concept of
Passionate Work Ethics acts as a buffer, helping individuals navigate
the difficulties of freelance life. Thus, I argue that Passionate Work
Ethics plays a crucial role in managing the tension inherent in this
contradiction between the attractive and unattractive aspects of
freelancing.
3. Methodology
The case study focuses on independent professionals in Turkey,
examining the elements, strategies, and affective themes of this work
ethics and its regime. It investigates how independent professionals
perceive and respond the conditions, questioning how and why they
internalize this work ethics. The study employs an ethnographic approach
to explore how individuals either embrace neoliberal work conditions or
critically engage with them.
The target population comprises independent professionals engaged in
freelance-gig work, chosen for their embodiment of post-Fordist work
ethics. Emphasis is placed on immaterial labor, representing
intellectually stimulating and creative work, aligning with the promises
of Passionate Work Ethics. This category is seen as epitomizing
contemporary employment relationships and offers insights into broader
transformations in both work dynamics and individual subjectivity.
Freelance work encompasses various types, each with different degrees
of precarity and flexibility. These include independent contractors,
moonlighters, diversified workers, temporary workers, and freelance
business owners. Additionally, a distinction is made between
high-skilled and low-skilled freelance jobs, with independent
professionals representing the former category. They are characterized
in the literature by a desire for autonomy, freedom, and
self-realization, often viewed as individual corporations pursuing their
own goals. This study focuses primarily on independent professionals due
to their alignment with the values promoted by Passionate Work
Ethics.
I gathered data from a variety of sources including documents, texts,
books, social media, and job ads to identify the principles and
requirements of neoliberal Passionate Work Ethics. Alongside structured
indepth interviews with 34 freelancers, I also drew insights from
informal conversations and observations. The interview phase was crucial
as it helped me delve into the nuances of participants’ views on
post-Fordist work arrangements. My goal was to uncover both the
advantages and drawbacks of flexible and precarious work. Through
strategic questioning, I aimed to understand how individuals navigate
the complexities of contemporary work dynamics. Topics covered in the
interviews included comparisons between freelance and traditional
employment, satisfaction with current working conditions, work-life
balance, the significance of work ethics, experiences of precarity and
flexibility, and future expectations. By analyzing these interviews
using MAXQDA, I identified commonalities, differences, and emerging
patterns among participants. Central to my inquiry was the exploration
of the affective aspects of work, particularly how individuals
affectively engage with flexible and precarious employment, unpaid work,
temporal flexibility, and the blurring of working and leisure time. I
sought to understand how having a desired job influences individuals and
whether they are more willing to make personal sacrifices for it.
4. The Case Study of Independent Professionals
4.1. Affective Orientation of Independent Professionals
towards Freelance Work and the Passionate Work Ethics
In the second section, we explored how the desire for freedom,
autonomy, and self-realization shapes the positive outlook towards
freelance work and the Passionate Work Ethics. Now, we delve into the
affective stance of independent professionals towards freelance work and
how they experience the promises and obligations of the Passionate Work
Ethics.
First of all, when considering the interviewees’ affective attitudes,
the distinction between traditional 9-to5 jobs and flexible freelance
work serves as a backdrop for the appeal of the Passionate Work Ethics.
While both types of work have their pros and cons, flexible freelance
work generally appears more attractive to the interviewees.
Before delving into the specifics of freelance work, it is essential
to understand how regular employment is perceived. Interviewees often
view traditional jobs negatively, citing feelings of being restricted
and compelled:
I feel stuck, forced to go to work every morning and unhappy in a
vicious cycle.
(I-1) Most of the time passed in the office is redundant. At most 3-4
hours were productive. I had the feeling that we stayed in the office
just for the boss could control us. (I-2)
I don’t think my mood is very suitable for office life, and when I
experienced it, it was very difficult. (I-3)
This dissatisfaction with regular employment stems from a desire for
freedom and autonomy, which are core promises of the Passionate Work
Ethics. On the positive side, regular employment offers stability and a
structured work-life balance, which some interviewees miss in freelance
work. However, the allure of freedom and autonomy often outweighs these
benefits.
Turning to freelance work, we will examine it through the lens of the
four promises of Passionate Work Ethics: freedom and autonomy,
spatiotemporal flexibility, self-realization, and affectional
satisfaction. Interestingly, each positive aspect of freelance work has
a corresponding negative aspect, creating a symmetrical dynamic. For
instance, while freelancers enjoy freedom and autonomy, they also face
insecurity and dependence on clients. Despite these challenges, many
interviewees express a love for freelance work, citing its ability to
fulfill their desires. This willingness to endure the negative aspects
is fueled by the emotional barriers instilled by the Passionate Work
Ethics. Ultimately, the ethics intervenes in the emotional conflict
faced by independent professionals, often favoring precarious and
flexible work conditions.
Delving into discussing the article’s findings, we can start by
noting that the Passionate Work Ethics serves as a guiding principle in
job selection, particularly in sectors where immaterial forms of labor
are prevalent. This suggests that factors like feeling of freedom and
autonomy, flexibility in time and space, self-fulfillment, and emotional
satisfaction play significant roles in motivating people’s job choices
today.
Freelancing offers a compelling allure to many, primarily rooted in
the promise of freedom and independence. This sense of freedom permeates
various dimensions of freelancing, from the flexibility to choose one’s
work environment and schedule to the autonomy of selecting clients and
projects. The desire for freedom often emerges as a response to the
constraints and pressures experienced in traditional employment
settings:
I want to do what I want, when I want, where I want, so I aim to work
on my own projects and/or as a freelancer. (I-4)
The freedom to work when and where I want, the freedom to choose my
employer, and most importantly, the opportunity to reach people who need
my skills are the main reasons why I became a freelancer. (I-5)
For some, the freedom of freelancing provides a pathway to pursue
their passions without the constraints of corporate structures. The
notion of “being your own boss” is central to the appeal of freelancing,
as it allows individuals to escape hierarchical structures and take full
control of their professional lives:
I don’t want to take too much responsibility. I realize what a good
decision I have made to be freelancer.
I earn money by having fun. (I-2)
I was sure that I would never go back to the industry and the chaos
of working under others in the office world, so I started looking for
ways to make a living on my own. (I-6)
It appears that the flexibility in time and space is also highly
valued among those interviewed when it comes to freelance work. This
flexibility refers to freelancers having the freedom to choose where and
when they work. Unlike regular employment with fixed hours spent at a
specific location, freelancers have the liberty to determine their work
environment and schedule:
For me, the best part of freelance life is that I can work from
wherever and whenever I want. (I-7) Being able to choose where and when
to work is one of the biggest advantages for a freelancer. (I-8) In this
respect, freelancing is better in terms of adjusting my own time.
(I-2)
Temporal and spatial flexibility are seen as positive aspects of
freelancing by nearly all interviewees. Many view this flexibility as
the primary motivation for pursuing freelance work, allowing them to
work from anywhere and at any time.
Many interviewees find freelance work appealing also because it
allows them to view work as a pathway to self-expression and
fulfillment. Some express feeling fulfilled and happy in their work,
seeing it as an opportunity for personal growth and creativity:
I am so happy, I really feel fulfilled. (I-1)
In this respect, it can offer an environment where I can realize
myself. (I-9)
My dream is having a meaningful life, where I create something that
can be useful to people, driven by my inner urge to create. I think this
will be the point where I realize myself. (I-7)
For many, the allure of freelance work lies in its potential for
personal and professional development. Despite the challenges it brings,
such as long hours and blurred boundaries between work and leisure,
individuals justify these difficulties as necessary for their growth and
self-realization:
It has to be a job where I can show my creativity and do it from the
heart. (I-2)
I don’t have such big dreams. I do my job not to make money but to be
useful, to work for my passion, to produce and to enjoy life. (I-10)
Many interviewees find freelance work appealing because it satisfies
their desires, aligning with the postFordist Passionate Work Ethics
which emphasizes fulfilling one’s desires to enhance motivation. This
satisfaction is not merely a feature of freelance work but is the
general affective state it cultivates alongside other aspects.
Freelancing satisfies desires by offering autonomy in determining work
time and place, freedom, self-employment, and opportunities for
self-realization and authenticity:
I had always dreamed of having my own business, of being able to work
from wherever I wanted, on the jobs I enjoyed. (I-11)
In my ten years of working life, I am at the point where I feel the
most peaceful. This was in line with the remote working practice that I
have wanted for years. I have been longing for such a way of working for
years. (IP-8)
Freelance work provides an environment where individuals can pursue
their passions, feel content, and find peace. Despite the challenges
inherent in freelancing, such as long hours and uncertain income,
individuals justify these difficulties as necessary for pursuing work
they love. Such non-monetary satisfactions often enable individuals to
accept and tolerate the handicaps arising from the insecure and flexible
financial conditions of freelancing. For example, engaging in
work-related activities during leisure time is very common in freelance
work and has become normalized. Thus, flexibility, for the majority,
does not necessarily create a positive situation but rather leads to
irregular working hours, or one needs to learn to cope with income
irregularity. On the other hand, being your own boss also means taking
on all the responsibilities of the job alone. Although this is often
noted as a problem, it seems to be accepted as well. What is important
here is that the attractive and unattractive promises are symmetrical.
In other words, the promises that seem attractive also create a problem
themselves. Therefore, it is evident that there is a contradictory
situation. However, despite this conflicting situation, the attractive
promises of freelance work outweigh the negatives in most cases.
4.2. Putting Subjectivity to Work
I now aim to explore how these appealing elements of freelancing
translate into everyday life, shaping the subjectivity of employees.
This includes the financialization of daily activities, the promotion of
self-marketing, and the normalization of work-related activities during
leisure time. Ultimately, this fosters a subjectivity characterized by
freelance flexibility and precarity.
4.2.1. Financialization of Everyday Life
Financialization of everyday life is a concept I borrowed
from Martin (2002), with a slightly different interpretation. It refers
to how financial principles and risks become pervasive in daily
activities, shaping both society and individuals. In essence,
financialization extends beyond macroeconomics to influence everyday
behavior, effectively colonizing daily life.
It can be argued that financial rationality becomes ingrained in all
aspects of life, particularly for those in precarious freelance work. It
entails freelancers constantly assessing profit and loss, trying to
predict and mitigate risks in an uncertain economic landscape. This
approach transforms them into neoliberal subjects, constantly seeking to
secure their futures amidst economic instability. Interviews with
freelancers highlight how financial concerns dominate their lives:
Until the last three months, I was looking into my finances every day
to check my income. (I-12)
Irregular income necessitates meticulous financial planning for
survival, and the pressure to secure their future pushes them towards
creating passive income streams and addressing insurance and pension
concerns. On the other hand, we clearly see that the economic turbulence
created by the financialization of everyday life and an uncertain and
insecure life is worrying:
I cannot overcome the stress caused by economic uncertainty. Stress
is not something that can be overcome, but you can cope with it. If your
income is irregular, plan your expenses regularly. (I-13)
I think I need to create passive sources of income and I am taking
some steps. I also had some concerns about insurance and pension issues.
I have drawn a road map for myself and I am slowly taking my own steps.
(I-14)
Despite the stress caused by economic uncertainty, freelancers accept
it as a part of their reality. Some even see it as integral to their
identity, motivated by their passion for their work. However, there is a
recognition that the obsession with Passionate Work Ethics can blind
individuals to exploitative conditions. Ultimately, the financialization
of everyday life among freelancers underscores the precariousness of
their existence, prompting both adaptation and reflection on the broader
implications of their work ethics.
4.2.2. Turning Oneself into a Personal
Brand
Another key aspect of this process is the need for self-marketing,
self-promotion, and self-branding. In a competitive freelance market,
building reputation are essential for attracting clients. As I-16 points
out, “no matter how experienced a person is, unless one can express this
experience in various channels, it may not be possible to find
customers” in the freelance market where competition is very high. In
this respect, it is now essential to prepare a rich CV and portfolios
showing past works and experiences, and to try to contact as many
different people as possible through social media accounts and
websites:
At that time, I wasn’t very good at self-promotion. But that was a
big mistake. Being a freelancer was all about how much you could market
yourself and what you had to do was to actively use all social media
platforms to show the people around how well you were doing. (I-17)
It is very difficult to get the first job there without points,
stars, portfolio. You need to market yourself. Now I am also developing
my profile there. I need to ensure Twitter visibility, I am preparing my
portfolio. (I-3)
Freelancers now invest significant time and effort into showcasing
their skills and experiences through various channels like websites and
social media platforms. This self-promotion is not just a side task but
has become integral to their work, blurring the lines between
professional and personal time. For many, their entire lives have become
centered around work, with self-commodification becoming a norm. For
example, I-3, whose excerpt I shared above, clearly states this by
saying that her working life is divided into two. She says that she
spends her free time after the work she does for customers, mostly on
activities aimed at her own development and marketing. Because, as an
independent professional, she has to find her customers herself, so the
activities she performs outside of working time to find customers are
actually included in her working time, otherwise it is not possible to
find customers:
I have two areas, client work and personal projects, it’s divided
into two. I tell you that I work two-three days, but those days are what
I make money from. Other than that, I am always doing something on the
computer. (I-3)
Freelancers embrace the idea of turning themselves into brands,
seeing it as a necessary step to succeed in their field. They actively
engage in self-marketing activities, even earning badges and
certifications to enhance their reputation. For example, I-11 is clearly
aware of what she needs to do to increase their reputation, gain the
trust of customers, in short, increase her human capital. And for this
purpose, she accepts, without question, requirements such as taking
tests of freelance job sites, thereby earning badges and increasing
their reputation. Ultimately, this trend highlights the growing
subjugation of labor, time, and subjectivity to capital, posing
significant challenges for individuals’ autonomy and well-being.
4.2.3. Encroachment of Working Time on Leisure
Time
In order to thrive in a competitive market where self-promotion is
crucial, freelancers also often feel compelled to dedicate their free
time to self-improvement, networking, and other work-related pursuits.
Many
freelancers willingly embrace this obligation for various reasons.
Some feel the need to enhance their skills to address any deficiencies
in their qualifications. This drive for self-improvement can lead them
to spend extensive hours learning and practicing, even working for free
to gain experience:
For a month, I focused sixteen hours a day on deepening my software
knowledge, understanding what I could do from scratch, and learning how
to do things by following courses. (I-17)
On the days when I started to get jobs, my day was spent learning,
researching and doing the work. I was in a very good process where both
learning and working were carried out together. (...) When I look back,
what I definitely did when I was feeling down was to make up for what I
was lacking, to do research on those points, which was incredibly
beneficial for me. (I-17)
Others prioritize self-marketing and networking, investing
significant time in creating portfolios, networking, and showcasing
their work to attract clients. This can involve attending courses, and
participating in online communities to enhance their visibility and
reputation. For example, I-10 says that she produces specific prototypes
for every job she applies for. She even states that even if she does not
get the job despite these exemplary works, she is not offended by it,
and that this gives her feedback and contributes to her development.
Some freelancers simply enjoy immersing themselves in work-related
activities during their leisure time just because they genuinely love
what they do. They find satisfaction in learning and improving their
skills, even if it means sacrificing their free time. For example, I-3
openly states that she does not consider such activities that she
performs in her spare time as work, and moreover, she enjoys them:
I don’t feel it like work, I enjoy it. Watching something on YouTube,
learning something about design, don’t feel like work to me. I think it
might be tiring without realizing it. But I enjoy it a lot. (I-3)
Like I-3, I-2 also says that she enjoys doing activities in her
non-working time that will benefit her work, because it satisfies her
desire to learn something about her job. What they have in common is
that they both feel that these activities they do in their spare time
can be tiring, but they still enjoy doing these activities simply
because they love their job:
Maybe this is personal, but I am a person who likes self-improvement,
learning new things, improving myself. When technical issues come into
play, for example, I am curious, I train myself. But I do this not out
of necessity. Sometimes it feels like work, sometimes it gives me
satisfaction. (I-2)
While these activities may not be paid, they still consume
freelancers’ leisure time and contribute to the blurring of boundaries
between work and personal life. Despite this, many freelancers find
fulfillment in these pursuits, viewing them as opportunities for
self-growth and professional development.
5. Conclusion
It is noticeable that many individuals today express affection for
their jobs, claiming to love and desire their work, believing it
contributes to their personal growth and self-realization. What is
particularly noteworthy is that many of these individuals, captivated by
the affective allure, either overlook or accept the poor conditions of
their work. Despite facing flexibility and precarity, freelancers, as
observed in this article, are drawn to the enticing affective promises
of Passionate Work Ethics as “the new postindustrial work ethic” which
characterizes work “as a path to individual self-expression,
self-development, and creativity” (Weeks, 2011, p. 46) and are willing
to endure the challenges associated with it.
This critical examination seeks to uncover the “dark” side concealed
behind the “good” and “pleasant” facade of work that individuals claim
to love and desire. While people praise the flexibility of freelancing,
they simultaneously struggle with its detrimental effects on work-life
balance and financial stability. They appreciate the freedom and
autonomy but complain the burden of full responsibility. Passionate Work
Ethics, with its affective appeal, perpetuates existing socio-economic
inequalities, masking material disadvantages under the guise of
emotional fulfillment. While individuals yearn to escape the drudgery of
traditional employment, this pursuit is often individualized and
psychologized, placing the burden on the individual to find fulfilling
work and tolerate adverse conditions.
This “cruelly optimistic” (Berlant, 2011) attachment to work, fueled
by promises of freedom and flexibility, actually reinforces existing
inequalities within the capitalist system. Freelancing may offer a
semblance of liberation from traditional employment, but it ultimately
perpetuates socio-economic disparities. While some may find fulfillment
in freelancing, for many it exacerbates work-life imbalance, anxiety,
and stress. Passionate Work Ethics, though appealing on an individual
level, contributes to the isolation and fragmentation of society,
benefitting only a privileged few. Although it may provide relief for
some, it reinforces existing inequalities and disadvantages for the
majority, perpetuating the cycle of individualism and personal
development at the expense of collective well-being.
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