The Virgin in the Ghent Altarpiece and the Revelations of Saint Bridget of Sweden

. This article demonstrates that the Revelations were essential for the creation of a new iconography of the Virgin for the Flemish art of the first decades of the 15th century. The aim is that to analyze the wide-range of Brigittine texts that explain the symbolic elements of the painting which are related to the iconography of the Virgin, to her physical and symbolic features and attributes, and to Marian dogmas, especially those of the Perpetual Virginity, the Immaculate Conception and the Assumption. The depiction of the Virgin in the Ghent Altarpiece is, in many respects, brand new and reveals how the symbolism of the last medieval centuries had given way to the new demands of devotional and mystical literature. The interest in female mysticism within the territories of Flanders and Brabant dates back to the beginning of the 13th century, when the development of a new female religious movement took place. In this environment particularly sensitive to the feminine word, the works of Bridget could find the right reception and her Mariology could inspire the representation of the Virgin of the Ghent Altarpiece.


Introduction
The Revelations of Saint Bridget of Sweden are an important iconographic source of figurative art. 3 Comparisons between some Brigittine texts and the early 15 th century Flemish panel painting have revealed that there has been more than one circumstance in which the Revelations have been their source of inspiration. 3 Among these, the most important example is certainly the Ghent Altarpiece which has only recently been put at the center of the debate. 4 The connection between the Brigittine literature and the Van Eyck brothers, which has been proposed only in 2015 in an article by Grantley McDonald, was analyzed in detail in my Doctoral dissertation which was discussed the same year. 5 In the last several decades, there has been a rediscovery of female hagiographic and spiritual texts, especially in Flanders and Brabant, both of which were also decisive in the development of Swedish mysticism. 6 The interest in female mysticism within those territories dates back to the beginning of the 13th century, when the development of a new female religious movement took place. 7 Thus, there existed in the Low Countries an environment particularly sensitive to the feminine word where the works of Bridget could find the right reception. It is not by chance that the Order of the Holy Savior, which spread throughout Europe thanks to elite patrons, enjoyed a particularly fruitful season in Flanders. The order founded by Bridget was extraordinarily popular in the same regions where her writings had been so enthusiastically adopted. The presence in the Netherlands of many monasteries of the order, with a higher density than in any other European nation, shows that those territories were at the center of the spread of Bridget's spirituality and writings (Fig. 1). 8 3 Panofsky, Erwin (1971), Early Netherlandish Painting, New York, Harper & Row, vol. 1, 21-50, esp. 46 and 158-159;Millard, Meiss (1945), "Light as Form and Symbol in Some Fifteenth-Century Paintings", The Art Bulletin (27), 175-181; Westcott, Catherine Morris (1992), "Birgittine devotion and the Campinesque Virgin in the Apse", Athanor 11, 32-41. 4 The Ghent Altarpiece was initiated by Hubert van Eyck from an uncertain date, perhaps as early as 1424. His brother Jan succeeded him on his death on 18 September 1426. The altarpiece was concluded and exhibited to the public on 6 May 1432. It was commissioned by the rich and powerful Jodocus Vijd and by his wife Elizabeth Borluut for their private chapel in Saint Bavo's cathedral in Ghent. The literature is very vast and focuses on multiple aspects including the attribution of the panels and the adherence to an initial project. See Pächt, Otto (2002), Van Eyck: die Begründer der altniederländischen Malerei, München, Prestel; Baldass, Ludwig (1952), Jan van Eyck, London, Phaidon;Panofsky 1971;Châtelet, Albert (2011), Hubert et Jan van Eyck créateurs de l'Agneau mystique, Dijon, Faton;Herzner, Volker (1995), Jan van Eyck und der Genter Altar, Worms, Werner; Dhanens, Elizabeth (1973), Van Eyck. The Ghent Altarpiece, New York, Lane;Brand Philip, Lotte (1980), The Ghent Altarpiece and the Art of Jan van Eyck, Princeton, Princeton University Press; Goodgal, Dana Ruth (1980), The Iconography of the Ghent Altarpiece Diss., University of Pennsylvania. 5 McDonald, Grantley (2015), "A Further Source for the Ghent Altarpiece? The Revelations of Bridget of Sweden", Oud Holland 128.1, 1-16; La Delfa, Angela Maria (2015), Le Rivelazioni di santa Brigida di Svezia e l'iconografia: il caso dei Van Eyck, Diss. Pontificia Universitas Gregoriana. 6 The Swedish Dominican friar, Peter of Dacia ( † 1289), author of the life of Christine of Stommeln ( † 1312), attended the Studium of Cologne founded by Albert the Great. On his return to Sweden, he brought with him a wealth of experience on mysticism which, in all likelihood, also had an influence on the Swedish mysticism of Bridget's time. See Bartolomei Romagnoli, Alessandra (2013), Santità e mistica femminile nel Medioevo, Spoleto, Centro italiano di studi sull'Alto Medioevo, 415-446. 7 As documented by recent studies, the rich production of Vitae by holy women of the region, referring to hagiographers from the canonical milieu and of the Order of Preacher Friars, was testimony of a new spiritual sensitivity centered on some fundamental themes such as: the rich Marian devotion, the attention to the humanity of Christ and the participation in his sufferings, the centrality assigned to the Eucharistic sacrament and the anti-heretic commitment. See Bartolomei Romagnoli, Alessandra, Degl'Innocenti, Antonella, Santi, Francesco (2015-2018, eds., Scrittrici mistiche europee, 2 voll., Firenze, Edizioni del Galluzzo; Bartolomei Romagnoli 2013, pp. 415-446;Meersseman, Gilles Gérard (1948), "Les frères précheurs et le mouvement dévot en Flandre au XIIIe S. '", Archivum Fratrum Praedicatorum 18, 69-130;McGinn, Bernard (1994), ed., Meister Eckhart and the Beguine Mystics: Hadewijch of Brabant, Mechthild of Magdeburg, and Marguerite Porete, New York, Continuum. 8 The monastery of Mariatroon near Ghent was founded by Isabel of Portugal, Duchess of Burgundy and wife of Philip the Good, while that of Marienbaum near Cologne was founded by his sister, Mary of Burgundy, Duchess of Cleves. See Nyberg, Tore (1965), Birgittinische Klostergründungen des Mittelalters, Lund, CWK Gleerup, 145-222;Sander Olsen, Ulla (2005), "The Birgittine Order in the Netherlands through 600 Years: An Overview", Birgittiana 19,[193][194][195][196][197][198][199][200][201][202] The Duke paid Georges Taxilly, prior of the Dominican convent of Bruges, for the purchase of two parchment books containing the Revelations. The only surviving manuscript contains the books VI, VII, VIII, the Sermo Angelicus, a Passio Domini attributed to Bridget, and the Regula probationum revelationis. It is therefore assumed that the first volume should contain the first five books. See Bousmanne, Bernard, Johan, Frédérique, Van Hoorebeeck, Céline (2001) During the 15th century the Revelations were widely and quickly translated into various European vernaculars; in southern Germany and in Flanders, where their spread was extensive, they were even translated in their entirety by the end of the century. 10 In the last several years, the interest on the topic has gradually increased and has led to the organization of two conferences whose proceedings have been published. The first conference focused on Bridget's Vitae, while the second was related to the dissemination of her works. See Morris, Bridget, O'Mara Veronica (1999) Moreover, in the years of the Western Schism, for countries like Flanders, Bridget was the emblem of traditional Roman Catholicism. 11 Whereas elsewhere the Revelations were energetically fought and rejected, such as in France during the first years of the 15th century, they were defended and widely spread in the court of Burgundy. 12 It is no coincidence that the task of defending them was assigned to Heymericus de Campo, the greatest Burgundian theologian of the 15th century and advocate of the mystical charisms. 13 He is the author of the Dyalogus Super Reuelacionibus Beate Birgitte, the defensorium which dates back to the Council of Basel when Bridget's sanctity and orthodoxy were questioned. 14 He also founded the first Brigittine monastery in Brabant, at Mariënwater, in 1434. 15 As a court painter to Duke Philip the Good, Jan van Eyck could have known Heymericus de Campo, the duke's favorite theologian, to whom he tasked the founding of the University of Louvain in 1432. Heymericus de Campo's influence on the pictorial conceptions of the van Eyck brothers was recently pointed out 16 , while his role as one of the protagonists of the mediation between the Revelations and the work of the van Eyck brothers was mentioned for the first time in my Doctoral dissertation.
One of the most substantial aspects which testifies the centrality of Bridget's Revelations for the Ghent Altarpiece iconography is seen in the depiction of the Virgin. The aim of this article is to analyze the widerange of Brigittine texts that explain the symbolic elements of the painting which are related to the iconography of the Virgin, to her physical and symbolic features and attributes, and to Marian dogmas, especially those of the Perpetual Virginity, the Immaculate Conception and the Assumption. The Marian themes are not the only ones inspired by the Revelations which were examined in my Doctoral dissertation. There are other texts that explain the fundamental themes of the altarpiece's iconography, all related to Brigittine social, political and spiritual ideas. Among them we quote: the Church as the mystical body of Christ; the re-establishment of the orthodox Eucharistic doctrine against the Hussite heresy; the political and papal power within the historical context of the Councils of Constance and Basel related to Flander's infallible obedience to the Roman pontiff; and Bridget's social conception which matches with that of the donor, Jodocus Vijd. What emerges is a very complex context which places the Revelations of Saint Bridget among the main sources of the altarpiece's iconography not only with regard to the iconography of the Virgin.

The new iconography of the Virgin: the physical features according to the Revelations
The plethora of examples of Marian thematic connections between Brigittine literature and the Ghent Altarpiece starts with the interior panel depicting the enthroned Virgin Mary (Fig. 2), where we find the aspects related to her physical features and attributes such as the clothes, the crown, the precious stones and the book in her hands.
17 "The crown itself consists of a diadem adorned with naturalistically enameled flowers, all traditionally associated with the Virgin Mary: roses, lilies of the valley, columbines, and 'annunciation lilies'. Of these three are visible in their entirety and one in part, so that their total number may be assumed to be seven. Professor William S. Heckscher therefore believes, and I incline to agree, that the unusual image was suggested by a passage in St. Bridget's Revelationes, I, 31 […] The passage is all the more relevant as the visionary also sees St. John the Baptist who explains to her the symbolical significance of the above-mentioned details.", Panofsky 1971, 'Note 220²', 448. The observation of Professor Heckscher is not accompanied by any bibliographic citation in the study of Panofsky. The comment comes in all probability from the exchanges between the two scholars since Heckscher was a student of Panofsky at the University of Hamburg. 18 See Goodgal 1980, 299;Brand Philip 1980, 76. Until a few years ago, the only critical contribution examining Brigittine references in the Ghent Altarpiece was a note in Panofsky's Early Netherlandish Painting. It is based on an assessment by William Heckscher that the Virgin's crown is totally inspired by the text of Revelations I, 31. 17 Panofsky merely thought the assertion of his colleague to be probable and did not continue exploring further potential Brigittine references in the altarpiece. Nevertheless, he agrees with Heckscher that at least two elements are derived from Saint Bridget's Revelations: the choice of an unusual iconographic subject derived from a special source and the importance of the role played by Saint John the Baptist. However, Rev I, 31 also contains other important elements that help us to understand the altarpiece's iconography.
A brief preliminary iconographic analysis will be necessary before we take into deeper consideration the importance of the Brigittine texts in this representation of the Virgin. First of all, the Virgin in the Ghent Altarpiece does not match the iconography of the Maria mediatrix of the Last Judgement but rather, as has been observed, that of the Regina coeli. 18 In the iconographic tradition of the Last Judgment, Christ is typically flanked by the Virgin and Saint John the Baptist, like it is depicted in the Ghent Altarpiece (Fig. 3). But just as Panofsky points out, the one represented here is not a deesis, strictly speaking, for several reasons; Christ is not represented as the Son of Man but as the triune God, the Virgin Mary is not the mediatrix but the Regina coeli and John the Baptist is the totius medius Trinitatis as indicated in the complex inscription of the panel with his depiction. 19 Second, Mary is typically not depicted with the crown in any representation of the Last Judgment -she is usually represented with a crown in the iconography of the Coronation where the object is almost never placed on her head, and it is Christ or the entire Trinity who confer her the regal attribute. 20 The rare iconography of the "already crowned" Virgin was spread in Rome in the second half of the 12th century. 21 In a much more common tradition, that of the Sedes sapientiae, the Virgin often appears crowned but always with the Christ child on her lap. 22 In the altarpiece the Virgin holds a codex, the image which references the incarnate Word and which is certainly related to the Christ child, although it also suggests other meanings. Third, in the altarpiece, some physical features and gestures are brand new. In fact, what prevails here is the realism of the objects and the naturalism of movements, a clear rebuke to the rigidity of traditional iconographic models. Another element indicates a break with the past: her hair flowing to her shoulders, loose, blond-red and emanating a certain brightness, a feature which never appears until the first decades of the 15th century and which certainly derives from the Revelations of Saint Bridget. 23 Up until this point, depictions of Mary strictly featured a veil or, in some later ones, her hair pulled back and fastened by the crown or just visible under her mantle.
By comparing these different examples, some fundamental aspects emerge that signal the advancement of a new and original type of iconography. The representation of the Ghent Altarpiece is the first where the royal dignity of the Virgin is independent from the action of the Son. She appears already crowned and without the baby Jesus, and sits gloriously at the right hand of Christ, according to the iconography of the Coronation, and on the same level as John the Baptist, just as in the iconography of the Last Judgment. Carol Purtle's analysis of the works of the van Eyck brothers in relation to many aspects of Marian devotion found in the liturgical and literary sourc-19 See Panofsky 1971, p. 220. For the inscriptions in the Ghent Altarpiece see Baets O. P., Jacques de (1961), De gewijde teksten van het 'Lam Gods' Kritisch onderzocht, Gent, Koninklijke Vlaamse Academie voor Taal-en Letterkunde. 20 See Therel, Marie Louise (1984), Le triomphe de la Vierge-Eglise. Sources historiques, littéraires et iconographiques, Paris, Ed. du Centre Nationale de la Recherche Scientifique. 21 There is at least one representation where the Virgin appears already crowned with a gem-studded tiara. This is the mosaic in the apse of the church of Santa Maria in Trastevere, a work of art of particular ecclesial value. In this regard see Toubert, Hélène (1990), Un art dirigé. Réforme grégorienne et Iconographie, Paris, Ed. du Cerf, esp. 37-56. 22 Réau, Louis (1957) (1977), ed., Revela-es of the time, is certainly a starting point. The Virgin, who symbolizes the Church, is a bride in a twofold sense, either at the moment of the Annunciation and of the Coronation, both episodes represented in the altarpiece. 24 But the aforementioned physical features, the realism of the objects and the naturalism of gestures suggest inspiration from some other source. The depiction of the Virgin is, in many respects, brand new and reveals how the symbolism of the 12th century has given way to the new demands of late medieval devotional and mystical literature. 25 From the very first chapters of the Book I of the Revelations, the dominant theme, the coming of Christ foretold by the prophets for the salvation of mankind, is accompanied by a rich Marian reflection. In fact, the Virgin plays a decisive role throughout the Brigittine corpus. Always present in the visions relating to the judgements of souls, Mary is among the interlocutors of Bridget, together with Christ, God the Father and the saints. Long passages and many pages are devoted to describing her characteristics and privileges in which it is often Christ himself directly extolling the many high virtues of Mary to Bridget.
In addition to the richness of doctrinal themes and the most popular aspects of late medieval piety, there is one aspect of Bridget's visionary language particularly worthy of attention: the detailed description of the appearance, clothes and accessories of the Virgin, that are matched with specific spiritual qualities. This feature is difficult to find in the literature of the time and is certainly an innovation. Rev I, 31 is only the first of a series of visions which deal with Marian symbolism. The rich allegorical meanings are explained by John the Baptist to Bridget 26 : Videbat sponsa reginam celi, matrem Dei, habentem preciosam coronam inestimabilem in capite suo et capillos extensos super spatulas admirabilis pulchritudinis, tunicam auream splendore indicibili coruscantem et mantellum de azuro seu sereni celi coloris. Cumque de tam speciosa visione vehementer admiraretur sponsa et in tali admiracione tota staret quodam interno stupore suspensa, illico apparuit ei beatus Iohannes Baptista, qui ait illi: Audi diligenter, quid hoc notat! 27 The crown, the cloak and the tunic indicate her titles of excellence: To each lily corresponds a virtue: Primum igitur lilium est eius humilitas, secundum timor, tercium obediencia, quartum paciencia, quintum stabilitas, sextum mititas, quia mitis est dare omnibus petentibus; septimum est misericordia in necessitatibus. In quacumque enim necessitate fuerit homo, si hanc toto corde inuocauerit, saluabitur. 29 The same principle is applied to precious stones: Inter hec fulgencia lilia posuit filius eius septem lapides preciosissimos. Primus lapis est virtuositas singularis, quia non est aliqua virtus in aliquo spiritu siue in corpore aliquo, qua ipsa hanc eandem virtutem non habeat excellencius. Secundus lapis est perfectissima mundicia, quia ista regina celi sic pura fuit, quod una macula peccati inueniri numquam potuit in ea a principio ingressus eius in mundum usque ad ultimam diem mortis ipsius. The details of the altarpiece consistently match Bridget's descriptions: there are seven lilies and seven precious stones, although these are placed under the lilies and not in between as indicated in the text of the vision; the shiny long hair flows to her shoulders; and the blue tunic is the color of the sky. Other symbolic flowers traditionally associated with the Virgin were also added to the depiction. 31 The crown is two tired, thus allowing the artist to resolve the ambiguity in Bridget's description, who does not fully explain how the flowers and the stones may be depicted in a single tier. To facilitate this effect, he created a solid gold structure on which he set the fresh flowers, which is the distinguishing feature of the revelation, and he embellished the crown with pearls which give greater prominence to precious stones. The uniqueness of this representation has not been stressed enough (Fig. 4). Fresh flowers and precious stones do not appear in fact in any other example in figurative art. Each of the seven stones has a specific meaning and it would be interesting to investigate if, in order to identify them, the van Eycks were inspired by the text of Rev IV, 124 in which Saint Agnes places a crown with seven gemstones on Bridget's head:  The stones depicted correspond to the types listed above. The recognizable stones are the jasper on the proper right, followed by the emerald, the sapphire, the diamond, the topaz, the ruby, and another sapphire. If the order of the emerald and sapphire were reversed, the representation would follow strictly the description in the Revelations. Therefore, the repetition of the pearl in the crown and the inclusion of the seven stones mentioned in the text of Rev IV, 124 strengthens our hypothesis of a direct derivation from the Brigittine text. The twelve stars of the Apocalypse (Ap 12, 1) revolving around the crown are also depicted, eight of which are clearly visible while three can be glimpsed only behind the rays and the fresh flowers, and the twelfth is supposedly behind the crown where a group of two lilies and a rose are placed close together. The stars are not present in Bridget's description but the bond between the Revelations and the Apocalypse is very close, especially if we consider that the same gemstones mentioned by Bridget also appear in the last book of the Sacred Scripture (Ap 21,9 and 21,(19)(20)(21). Here, among other things, the type of jasper is described as crystalline and is compared to the splendor of the walls of the heavenly Jerusalem where the doors are surrounded by pearls, just like in the Virgin's crown in the Ghent Altarpiece.
It should be noted that the Dominican Alain de la Roche, who was responsible for the popularization of the Rosary, was particularly attached to the figurative tradition of Ghent, a city where he resided for about two years, from 1468 to 1470. Johan Huizinga has already written about how a certain aesthetic attitude prevails in the Dominican visionary. 33 In the Tractatus de Psalterio seu Rosario Christi et Mariae, we find the same gemstones portrayed in the Ghent Altarpiece, however, there are more stones, 15, and their symbolism is even more complex. 34 Despite this, the vividness of the colors and the descriptions echo the painting and witness to a common sensitivity.
There are still some aspects of the representation of the Virgin that match the Brigittine text but which are not found in Rev I, 31. Rather, they are inspired by a revelation of the Book V, known as the Liber questionum. 35 The book itself is a long vision received by Bridget in Sweden which consists of sixteen interrogaciones divided into questiones and responsiones and interspersed with thirteen revelations. The protagonist is a learned monk who "skillfully exposes the most inexplicable aspects of Christian theodicy" 36 . In Book V, Bridget attacks the arrogance of the intellectuals and the use of knowledge as an end in itself. The monk's scholastic knowledge is juxtaposed with the true wisdom of Bridget, who is the instrument of the Holy Spirit, and who opposes the monk's skepticism towards the Incarnation with praise of the Virgin body. Rev V, 4 speaks of some physical and spiritual characteristics of the Virgin 33 Huizinga, Johan (1922) Mary that correspond exactly to the representation in the altarpiece. The elements of Rev V, 4 that inspired the representation of Mary are: the shining hair, the white forehead and its light tint, the pinkish cheeks, the inclination of the neck and the designation of the chest and belly as "full of virtue". Each of these physical features corresponds to one of the spiritual qualities of the Virgin. This time, the whole head emanates a shining light that is depicted in the painting with light beams:  The lightly-tinted forehead is a symbol of the delicacy of conscience: "Frons tua fuit incomparabilis albedinis, significans verecundiam consciencie tue, in qua plenitudo est humane sciencie et dulcedo diuine sapiencie lucet in ea super omnes". Her cheeks symbolize the meritorious deeds and the nature of the Virgin: Gene tue fuerunt de optimo colore, scilicet albo et rubicundo, quia fama operum tuorum laudabilium et pulchritudo morum tuorum placuerunt michi, quibus cotidie inflammabaris. Vere ex pulchritudine morum tuorum gaudebat Deus Pater meus et numquam auertit oculos suos a te, et ex caritate tua omnes optinuerunt caritatem. 38 The inclined neck and the head symbolize the attitude to accomplish God's will: Collum tuum est nobiliter erectum et pulcherrime eleuatum, quia iusticia anime tue plene est erecta ad me et secundum velle meum mobilis, quia numquam inclinata fuit ad aliquod malum superbie. Sicut enim collum curuatur cum capite, sic omnis intencio et operacio tua flectitur ad voluntatem meam. 39 The praise of the bodily limbs of the Virgin has its roots in the practice known as the salutatio membrorum, which dates back to Saint Bridget and spread in Flanders especially with the modern devotion. As Giovanni Pozzi has suggested: the prayer represents […] a well-known devotional practice, the "salutatio membrorum", which passed in review, from head to foot, the members of Mary giving each its praise. A long draft is traced back to Saint Bridget; it was widely practiced in the circles of modern devotion and is still found in the manuals of piety of the seventeenth century. 40 Just as in the crown the virtues of the Virgin were expressed through the symbolism of precious stones, the same principle is applied to those depicted in the chest and womb. The beautiful blue dress is thus characterized by a border rich in pearls and gems, while a bunch of precious stones hang from a cord near the womb: Pectus tuum plenum fuit omni virtutum suauitate in tantum, quod non est bonum in me, quod non sit in te, quia traxisti omne bonum in te ex morum tuorum dulcedine, quando deitati mee placuit intrare ad te et humanitati mee habitare tecum et bibere lac mamillarum tuarum.
[…] Venter tuus fuit mundissimus sicut ebur et sicut locus ex virtuosis lapidibus splendidissimus, quia constancia consciencie tue et fidei numquam tepuit sed nec in tribulacione potuit viciari. 41 Another element should be read as a reference to the Incarnation: the "corporal" hands of the Virgin touching 38 Reuelationes S. Brigittae V, 4. 39 Reuelationes S. Brigittae V, 4. 40 Pozzi, Giovanni (1993) the green cloth with which she holds the book symbolizing the Word: "Ideo corporales manus tue tractauerunt humanitatem meam et quietus fui inter brachia tua cum deitate mea" 42 . The book's square shape and color allude to the Earth and the green cloth recalls the Incarnation. Another squared element usually occurs in scenes depicting the Annunciation: the crimson red pillow, which is present, for instance, in the Annunciation (Fig.  5) and in The Arnolfini Portrait by Jan van Eyck (Fig.  6), just to cite a few examples of this symbolic detail that was very popular at that time. 43 But the square cushion is represented in a different way in the Annunciation of the Hours of Etienne Chevalier, a masterpiece of another great artist, Jean Fouquet (Fig. 7). Instead of a red cushion, it is represented as the square green canopy inside the gold chandelier, whose circular shape alludes to the celestial sphere. The erudite image suggests that with the Incarnation of God, the unions between heaven and earth and between the human and the divine took place. The Virgin is represented as the new ark of the covenant, the latter being represented in the apse of the Church. She is sitting on a carpet with a green border that recalls the same meaning of the canopy, for it is in her that the Word became flesh, giving birth to the new and everlasting covenant. 44 The theme of Mary's motherhood brings us back to that of her sacred womb. In female mystical literature, an extraordinary importance is attributed to Mary's womb which is conceived as a vase. The image used in the literature of the 12 th and 13 th centuries is also found in the Revelations: "Tu me, que eram vas terrenum, dignacione tua sanctificasti." 45 It soon gained Eucharistic meanings that attached a sacramental value to the body of the Virgin. 46 The idea of Mary as the 'perfect body' is not new, but rather is found in other mystics such as Hildegard of Bingen and Gertrude of Helfta: where, as Gertrude the Great says, the body of God can inhabit. The Mother is the land, the plowed field, the womb, the breast. […] Mary is the instrument symphonizatus by the Holy Spirit: the visionary can only hear the sound or catch a glimpse of her auroral brightness […] The idea of an absolute beauty dominates, as a sign of human perfection realized in foeminea forma, that nothing can corrupt or alter. 47 It is glaringly obvious that the vagueness of previous texts differs significantly from the Brigittine literature. For example, in the vision of Gertrude of Helfta, the excessive brightness does not distinguish any identifying color or even the shape of the mother's womb. Instead, in Bridget's description the situation is completely different: the gemstones, centrally located on the body of the Virgin, are described to the smallest detail; the type of flower which appears in the vision can be easily and exactly located; the colors are vibrant and defined. Bridget's vision describes a precise figure and concrete objects that, thanks to their descriptive evidence, lend themselves to representation. The resulting mental image is clear and can be easily painted. The Brigittine visionary language stands for a descriptive accuracy of detail which is not found in earlier mystics. It is no longer enough to only imagine an "auroral brightness". In Bridget's visions, Mary is not defined by abstract concepts, but she appears in the concreteness of her physical features, in her human reality, as well as in a spiritual reality. This visual strength finds its transcription in the Ghent Altarpiece, which would be inconceivable without this literature. Where the text doesn't translate well to physical depictions of the Virgin, such as the descriptions of her virtues, these are replaced by symbolic objects like precious stones, flowers, and specific colors, now described in Bridget's writings with a realism that is not found in earlier texts.
Much of this attitude of the need to visualize started with the meditation on the evangelical episodes. Bridget was a sort of champion for the devotees and, above all, for the artists who were eager for detailed descriptions that could inspire them in the representation of the characters of sacred history. 48 This is further confirmed by Bridget's attitude towards her writings, which contributes to their attractiveness over those of other medieval mystics. As pointed out by Kari Børresen, Bridget was distinguished by a strong awareness, as a revelatory instrument of the Holy Spirit, she felt invested not only with a special historical and ecclesial mission as prophetess and reformer of her time, but also at the same level of the evangelists in telling the episodes and truths that are revealed to her in her visions: Outstanding is the view that Bridget has of herself as God's instrument, inspired by Him, with the purpose of a divine revelation that unfolds continuously […] Unlike Bridget, Hildegard and Julian do not consider themselves as instruments on the same level of the prophets, the apostles and evangelists; their mission is not to reveal new knowledge. 49  Børresen 1993, 149. The idea that the Revelations is on the same level as the biblical passages was formulated by Alfonso of Jaén and is found in the proceedings of the canonization process. See Jönsson, Arne (1989), Alfonso of Jaén. His Life and Works with Critical Editions of the Epistola Solitarii, the Informaciones and the Epistola Servi Christi, Lund, Lund University Press, 177-178. 50 Purtle 1982, 33;Meiss 1945, 43-68;Panofsky 1971, 144 This freedom of expression can also be found in the way in which Bridget takes a position on some vital doctrinal questions concerning the Virgin on which medieval theologians had long disputed.

Marian dogmas according to Saint Bridget reflected in the Ghent Altarpiece
Some of the Marian symbols used by Bridget are present not only in the internal panel of the altarpiece depicting the Virgin, but also in the external ones of the Annunciation where her primary role is evident (Fig. 8). The iconographic details of the half-full jug of water and the light reflecting the shapes of two windows on the wall are related to the Virgin (Fig. 9). The symbolic interpretation of the jug and the light has been linked more than once to the hymn of Bernard of Clairvaux which equates the virginity of Mary, which was kept intact, to an image of a ray of light that passes through glass without damaging it. 50 As Meiss observed, the image is also found in the Revelations of Saint Bridget. This is taken from chapter 1 of Book I: The text that inspires this iconographic subject is not only Rev I, 1, but also Rev V, 4 which was quoted in the above description of the physical qualities of the Virgin. The Liber questionum is even more important for our theme because the Brigittine idea of the Incarnation as a response to Mary's ardent love for God is formulated for the first time. 52 The concept, additionally reaffirmed and developed in the Sermo Angelicus 53 , one of Bridget's most popular writings, most likely inspired the representation of the Virgin in the temple of the Mystical Nativity in the Isenheim Altarpiece by Matthias Grünewald. 54 In the fourth revelation of the Liber questionum, the Virgin's ears are compared to two splendid windows open to listening: "Aures tue fuerunt mundissime et aperte tamquam fenestre pulcherrime, quando protulit tibi Gabriel velle meum et quando ego Deus factus sum in te caro." 55 According to Purtle, the room behind the Virgin where the reflection of the two windows is represented symbolizes the thalamus and the jug is the image for Mary's womb. 56 But in the altarpiece, there is also the reflection of a third window that projects onto the wall, near the bifora of the room behind Mary. In it there are sculptural elements that repeat the number three and that should be read in reference to the Trinitarian mystery, to which, according to Bridget, the Virgin participates in an exceptional way. From the first chapter of Book I, it is emphasized that when Christ assumed the human nature, he was in no way separated from his divinity:   The detail of the carafe can be explained instead through Rev V, 13. Despite Meiss' identification of the pitcher as a reference to Mary's virginity ante and post partum, he didn't explain the reason why it is only half full. While transparency and material (i.e. glass) are easily traceable to the dogma of Mary's virginal conception, other aspects of the representation are not immediately clear. It hasn't yet been satisfactorily explained why there is water in it, why the carafe features a tapered neck yet remains open, and what the play of light and shadow represents (Fig. 10). 58 Carla Gottlieb believes that the jug is a symbol of the Immaculate Conception 59 , but we believe that Rev V, 13 is the text that explains the reason to this statement since here the reference to the Marian dogmas is explicit: The half-filled carafe, both light and dark at the same time, is an element of Rev V, 13 playing on the opposites of full/empty, bright/overshadowed, pure/impure. As usual in the Revelations, the text is full of Marian themes, but one in particular is worthy of attention, namely the question of the Immaculate Conception. While, as we have seen elsewhere, and in particular in Book I and VI of the Revelations, Bridget unwaveringly describes the spotless conception of Mary, there simultaneously exists a certain ambiguity. Bridget states that the Virgin Mary was conceived without sin, but, coming from the seed of Adam, she retained an aspect of impurity. This wouldn't have had any effect on her because her status as Mother of God made her the beneficiary of a special grace coming from the Spirit of God that "filled" her. 61 The chiaroscuro effect in the representation of the jar thus seems to be an erudite allusion to the reflection on the conception of the Virgin without sin, but with the nuanced meaning expressed in this Brigittine passage.
The meaning of the representation lies in the ongoing debate about the Immaculate Conception in the Middle Ages which was started by Paschasius Radbertus and Ratramno in the 9 th century. As stated by Kari Børresen, there are two reasons for the special conception of Mary: the lack of libido by her parents and the exemption from original sin at the time of the infusion of the soul. However, Bridget's position on the theme is contradictory as on one hand she follows the Franciscan tradition that was based on the theories of Galen, but on the other she also follows the Thomist one that was based on Aristotle. For this reason, in the Revelations, the lack of libido in the parents of the Virgin is indicated as the solution to the problem of the transmission of original sin that, according to the Thomist embryogenesis, was passed by both the paternal and maternal seed. Thus, there is a difference between Bridget and the Franciscan position: "Bridget does not teach a prior sanctification of Mary at the moment of her conception in the sense that does Duns Scotus." 62 The carafe, signifying the Immaculate Conception, is also found in other paintings by Jan van Eyck, in the Lucca Madonna and in the Ince Hall Madonna 63 and also in the Werl Altarpiece by Robert Campin, a painting that was a source of inspiration for van Eyck. That representation is further evidence that Robert Campin also drew upon the Revelations. 64 Carol Purtle, who linked the Office of Assumption of the Virgin to the altarpiece's iconography, underlined that the verses from the book of Wisdom (Wis 7, 26-29), which are in the offices, were used more than once by Jan van Eyck in his paintings. 65 We find these verses in the inner panel depicting the Virgin Mary, in the inscription crowning her beautiful figure (Fig. 11). In this regard, Meiss focused again more on the ante and post partum virginity of Mary, while no one seems to have noticed the fact that the quotation of verses from the book of Wisdom must be connected directly to the Immaculist doctrine. The reference to the Immaculate Conception of Mary is evident: speculum sine macula Dei. The verse is repeated in full in other works of Jan van Eyck and represents a manifesto of the Flemish Mariology. In fact, it is found on the right side of the frame of the central panel of the triptych representing the Madonna with Child, Saint Catherine, Saint Michael and a donor, and in the edge of the robe of the Virgin in the painting The Virgin in the Cathedral. Through a more careful analysis, we find that the verse is perfectly in line with the text of Rev I, 42 in which the Virgin is referred to as the 'mirror of Trinity':  But, the highest point of Flemish Mariology inspired by the Revelations of Saint Bridget, is achieved in the representation of the assumption of Mary. The representation of the Virgin derives from the Revelations, where it is said that she is raised body and soul next to the throne of God: "Tu autem, carissima mater mea, anima tua assumpta fuit super omnes choros angelorum ad thronum Dei et cum ea est mundissimum corpus tuum." 67 The concept is further developed in the Revelations: Deinde completo cursu vite mee, primo animam meam, quia ipsa domina erat corporis, ad deitatem excellencius ceteris eleuauit, inde corpus meum, ut nullius creature corpus sit tam propinquum Deo sicut meum. Ecce quantum filius meus dilexit animam meam et corpus! Sed aliqui sunt, qui maligno spiritu negant me assumptam corpore et anima, aliqui eciam, qui nesciunt melius. Sed ista est pro certissimo rei veritas, quod cum corpore et anima ad deitatem assumpta sum. 68 In the medieval Mariological tradition, the doctrine of the assumption of the Virgin into heaven, first in the soul and then in the body, had many supporters. Bridget also shared this position, stating that the body of the Virgin was assumed into heaven fifteen days after her death. 69 But in the dispute over her position in heaven, she also supported the thesis, sustained by St. Bonaventure, that the Virgin, once assumed body and soul in heaven, had been raised to the level of the Trinity. 70 Although this Marian privilege, which had its foundation in the narration of numerous Greek-Byz-antine apocryphal texts from the 6th century, had not been officially recognized and was at the center of a vigorous theological debate, it found a convinced adhesion in the sensus fidelium, especially in the artistic representations. 71 In the Incipit of the Liber celestis imperatoris ad reges, the VIII book of the Revelations, the Queen of Heaven is seated next to the throne of God with her grandiose crown and her whole figure depicted in enchanting splendor. The setting of the five panels of the upper level of the altarpiece is a palace where the Deity, the Virgin and John the Baptist are sitting. A clear blue sky is depicted as well as the angels who give praise with songs, hymns and instruments. Everything corresponds to the Brigittine description: The text is the inspiring source of the representation of the Divinity seated on the throne in the central panel and affirms her Trinitarian dimension. Consequently, we can consider the representation of the Ghent Altarpiece as that of the Virgin raised body and soul to the level of God-Trinity.

Conclusion
In summary, this article suggests that the Revelations were essential for the creation of a new iconography of the Virgin for the Flemish art of the first decades of the 15 th century, since it drastically changed. Significantly, the works of the founding masters of Flemish art demonstrate these changes -the very bright long blond/red hair that falls on her shoulders, the inclined face and neck, the clear skin and the pink cheeks -and are indicative of a wide-spread adaptation of new iconographic elements, linked to the positive cultural reception of Bridget's mystical works. From that moment on, the new Marian iconography definitively imposed itself in the figurative scene of Northern Europe and later became the norm in Western art.
All this would have been unimaginable without the sensitivity of Flanders to female mysticism. Siding with Bridget at that time served not only to reinforce obedience to the Roman papacy, but to endorse the great tradition of mysticism and female prophecy, a type of language through which the intellectual and spiritual self-awareness of the country had expressed itself in the final medieval centuries.
The books in which Marian revelations are mainly located are Book I, the Liber Questionum and the Sermo Angelicus. These are texts in which there is a rich doctrinal reflection, presented in a narrative that provides a variety of useful materials from an iconographic point of view. The two representations of the Virgin in the Ghent Altarpiece communicate in this respect with one another not only in the physical depiction of the Virgin, represented with the long blond hair in both panels, but also in the objects that symbolize her spiritual qualities and privileges as Mother of God. A certain correspondence between the inscriptions in the altarpiece and the Revelations was also noted.
All four Marian dogmas are strongly supported in the Revelations but not without some theological reflections which testify to the debates of Bridget's time and which found a solution only recently with the official proclamation by the Catholic Church of the dogmas of the Immaculate Conception and Assumption. In works of art created in those territories where the loyalty to the Roman papacy was more solid, such as in the Belgian church, it is also easier to find a greater diffusion and acceptance of the Marian doctrines. Mysticism, especially women's mystique, has certainly influenced the nourishment and creation of those Marian devotions which are testified to both by literature and works of art. The Ghent Altarpiece is marked by a profound unity between literary text and image and thus requires an integrated examination of both work of art and iconographic sourcing.
For several reasons it is therefore possible to say that the Mariology of Bridget is closely connected to the creation of the figures of the Virgin of the Ghent Altarpiece.