Incels and femcels communities have become prominent features of the digital landscape, representing a complex intersection of social dynamics, identity, and ideology. These groups often blend in online forums and imageboards, providing a space for individuals who feel marginalized or ostracized in the realm of romantic and sexual relationships. Within these digital communities, members often find solace in shared experiences, forming bonds through mutual understanding and empathy. However, this camaraderie can quickly give way to more toxic elements, as discussions veer into blaming external factors or even advocating for harmful ideologies. The use of hate speech is one of the main characteristics associated with the incel community (Pelzer et al. 2021; Pizzimenti & Pasciuto 2022; Gajo et al. 2023), however, incitement to hatred and the use of violent language belongs not only to incels but also to the femcel community. In their large-scale quantitative study of what they call “Online Women’s Ideological Spaces” on Reddit, Balci et al. (2023) identify femcels as a “toxic community”, ategorizing femcels as a “manosphere analog”, because they correspond to the incel community (i.e. Female Dating Strategy has been understood as women’s equivalent of male pick-up artistry). Balci et al. identify the following subreddits as “femcel” groups: r/ Trufemcels; r/AskTrufemcels; r/Vindicta; r/Pinkpill- Feminism, and r/TheGlowUp. These femcel groups saw significant user activity until most of them were banned in 2020 and 2021 by Reddit for promoting hate – presumably due to transphobia, misandry and racism (Johanssen & Kay, 2024). Through their study of the r/Vindicta subreddit, Pizzimenti & Penna 2024 identified the use of a common vocabulary that promotes the adoption of anti-feminist language, along with lookist expressions and attitudes characteristic of the incel movement. In another study, Cava & Pizzimenti 2024 associated the Crystalcafe platform with hate speech and misandrist ideologies, highlighting how a sense of community emerges from the sharing of a system of shared sentiments, characterized by narratives centered on anger, misandry, loneliness, and sadness.

In both incel and femcel, expressions of hostility often target the opposite gender. Within the incel community, this can include derogatory terms, objectification, sexualization and dehumanization of women, as well as explicit expressions of violence like rape and murders or harm towards them. Similarly, in the femcel community, this can take various forms, including derogatory language, generalizations about men, and expressions of frustration or anger towards perceived societal injustices perpetrated by men.

Moreover, the anonymity afforded by online platforms can amplify extremist views, leading to the proliferation of these forms of misogyny, misandry, hate speech and prejudice, enabling individuals to freely voice their opinions, contributing to a phenomenon termed online disinhibition, as outlined by Suler (2004). Within digital spaces, this disinhibition can lead to the development of a fragmented identity, particularly when individuals engage in antisocial behaviour. The perception of anonymity and absence of consequences in online environments can intensify such conduct, fostering an atmosphere conducive to the dissemination of extreme viewpoints and the proliferation of confrontational and offensive discourse. Moreover, the echo chamber effect (Garret 2009; Sunstein 2017) reinforces existing beliefs and can serve to radicalize individuals further. Additionally, these online communities establish precise rules of behaviour to maintain order and coherence. In the forums and imageboards they attend, members create and adhere to guidelines that discipline their interactions, serving as a code of conduct, delineating what is acceptable and what is not. Violating these rules often results in punitive measures such as warnings, temporary suspensions, or outright bans.

Despite the differing experiences based on gender, both incels and femcels grapple with similar emotions of loneliness, rejection, and alienation. In both communities, another striking similarity emerges: a shared sense of victimhood (Lounela & Murphy 2023; Zimmerman 2024) that becomes a unifying narrative. Members of these groups share stories of personal struggles, experiences of rejection, and a pervasive sense of alienation from mainstream society. This victimhood often fosters a sense of solidarity within each community, providing a space where individuals can find validation for their experiences and a sense of belonging among peers who understand their pain. This narrative can perpetuate a cycle of resentment and hostility, further entrenching members in their beliefs. In this complex landscape, another thread that stands out prominently is even the identification of a common enemy. While on the surface, these groups may appear to be at odds due to their differing gender compositions and narratives, a deeper examination reveals a shared antagonist that transcends traditional gender boundaries. For incels, the perceived enemy often manifests in the form of women. Similarly, femcels direct their hate towards men.

However, beyond these gender-specific features, both incels and femcels identify a broader, systemic enemy that expresses itself through homophobia, transphobia, racism and ableism (Held 2023; Gheorghe 2024).

Moreover, within the lexicon of these communities, there are additional terms denoting perceived common enemy. For incels, one such target is the Simp (Sucker/Sucka Idolizing Mediocre Pussy), a term used to describe men who are seen as overly submissive or willing to do anything to gain the affection or attention of women. On the other hand, femcels often identify Pick-me Girls as a source of frustration Pizzimenti & Penna 2024, indication of women who seek validation or approval from men by denigrating other women, adhering strictly to traditional gender roles, or downplaying their own accomplishments and interests. These terms, along with others like Chad and Stacy constitute a shared vocabulary that facilitates communication within the communities (Cannito et al. 2021; Menzie 2022). In this lexicon, Chad typically refers to men who are perceived as conventionally attractive, confident, and successful, often contrasting with the perceived inadequacies of incels. Similarly, Stacy is used to describe women who embody societal ideals of beauty and desirability, often seen as out of reach for incels and serving as objects of envy or resentment. Through the use of this vocabulary, members of the incel and femcel communities are able to articulate their frustrations and shared experiences, forging connections and finding validation within their respective online subcultures. Despite their shared traits, these two communities diverge in fundamental ways. Kay (2022) highlights a key contrast between incel and femcel communities: while incels are frequently associated with elements of white supremacism, authoritarian populism, and anti-feminism, femcels lack such political recognition. This perspective assumes that incels emerge as a political consequence of societal changes, wherein perceived loss of power fuels the toxicity within their community – a phenomenon acknowledged if not condoned. The femcel are outside of this mechanism and are subject to a double form of abjection: “cast out from mainstream beauty standards and romance cultures but simultaneously denied the possibility of building an identity based on their experiences of exclusion and loneliness” (Kay 2022: 31). Moreover, the analysis of language employed by the incel and femcel groups provides a compelling lens through which to examine the perception and portrayal of the opposite gender. Both communities show manifest disdain through language saturated with violence, misogyny, misandry, and a desire to eliminate the opposing gender. However, a notable divergence surfaces in how members of these groups characterize individuals of the opposite gender. Incel discourse tends to objectify and sexualize women, relegating them to mere objects of sexual gratification and disregarding their multifaceted identities and societal roles, reducing women to mere tools for sexual satisfaction while disregarding their inherent humanity and dignity. Conversely, femcels adopt a distinct approach in their discourse. Rather than sexual objectification, they critique men’s behaviour, attributing to them violence, animosity towards women, and culpability for the injustices inflicted on women and children. This form of language scrutinizes men’s actions over their sexuality, underscoring femcels’ concerns regarding gender dynamics and patriarchal violence. In incel culture, these misogynistic acts are further exemplified by the practice of taking photographs of girls, including strangers, and posting them on specialized forums for users to vote on, reflecting the objectifying and sexualized mindset prevalent within the movement. Moreover, certain militants within the incel sphere have perpetrated terrorist massacres, including the 2014 murder of six civilians on a California campus and the running over 11 pedestrians in Canada (Hoffman et al. 2020). Notably, such violence has yet to be associated with the femcel community, as they have not committed any terrorist or criminal acts.

The research was conducted between April and May 2023, during which data collection and analysis took place. As a first step, the researchers personally read and examined all the comments included in the analysis to ensure a comprehensive understanding of the discourse and its nuances. This preliminary phase allowed for an initial familiarization with recurring themes, linguistic patterns, and the overall tone of interactions within the selected imageboards. Subsequently, the comments and keywords were manually selected and categorized with the assistance of the Nvivo software for digital material storage (Coppola, 2011), while the understanding and interpretation of the texts are guided by the expertise of the researchers themselves. The selection of comments and thread messages under study followed a targeted approach (Patton, 1990; Delli Paoli, Masullo, 2022). Specifically, comments that inspired interest within the online community, i.e., those that received a high number of comments and interactions, were identified and preserved. For the present analysis, we collected a sample of 2,043 comments and conducted a qualitative content analysis. The analyzed sample derives from a non-probabilistic sampling procedure aimed at ensuring “typological” rather than statistical representativeness. In other words, the intent is to provide a description of a reality present on digital platforms, without guaranteeing correspondence between the selected sample and the entire population of Crystalcafe and /r9k/ users. Given that premise, despite the qualitative nature of this study, we considered it useful to include graphical elements as a complementary tool to enhance the systematic organization and interpretation of data. Digital Media Ethnography requires structuring large volumes of textual content to identify patterns and trends within online discourse. By categorizing comments into different categories and subcategories, the use of percentages allows for a clearer representation of how these features characterize incel and femcel communities. These quantitative elements provide a structured overview that facilitates the comparison of recurring patterns, making qualitative interpretations more transparent and grounded in empirical data. During the analysis process, we applied a deductive coding methodology to systematically categorize the contributions under study into various subcategories and aggregate them into three main macro-categories. First, we identified “explicit hate speech” as a category characterized by direct expressions of hatred and contempt. This includes personal insults, targeting specific individuals, general insults, aimed at collectives, and concrete threats of physical, psychological, or other forms of violence. The classification follows established conceptual paradigms, defining insults as expressions that attack individuals or groups based on their characteristics and are insulting, derogatory, or degrading (Erjavec & Kovačič, 2012; Rieger et al., 2021). Additionally, we analyzed the context of personal insults and identified the subjects targeted by general insults.

The second macro-category, labelled “implicit hate speech”, involved various subcategories, including “negative stereotyping”, “disinformation/ conspiracy theories”, “ingroup elevation”, and “inhuman ideology”. This classification regards those comments that manifested less explicit but still evident forms of hatred, such as negative stereotypes, the spread of misinformation, excessive idealization of some groups over others, and ideologies that ehumanizing and ehumanizi people. This phenomenon exhibits significant conceptual overlap with the notion of “fear speech”, previously delineated by Buyse (2014), characterized by the strategic intent to instil existential fears towards specific social groups, emphasizing alleged threats or ambitions for future dominance (Saha, Mathew, Garimella, & Mukherjee, 2021; Rieger et al., 2021). It is important to emphasize that incitement to implicit hate displays in various forms within the intentional dissemination of false news, involving the conscious dissemination of false statements or conspiracy theories regarding specific social groups, with the explicit aim of marginalizing them (Hajok & Selg, 2018; Rieger et al., 2021) promoting negative prejudices. A concrete example is the term “roastie,” used by /r9k/ militants to refer to women, may not seem offensive in Itself, but within its context, it conveys dehumanization, contempt, and hatred. A similar example can be found in the terms “XY”, “scrote”, and “comer” used by the femcel group on Crystalcafe. Although seemingly innocuous, such terms in the context in which they are employed clearly denote a ehumanizing and denigratory perception towards men, manifesting a sense of contempt and hostility. The third macro category, labelled “category spam”, contains comments that could not be assigned to the hate categories outlined above and were therefore of little use for the analysis.

The prevalence of gendered hate speech in online communities such as /r9k/ and Crystalcafe must be understood within the broader socio-political landscape of digital misogyny, online extremism, and gender-based radicalization. Scholars have extensively documented how digital subcultures shape, normalize, and amplify gendered grievances, reinforcing exclusionary narratives that position men and women as adversaries. These platforms do not merely reflect existing societal biases; they actively participate in shaping and legitimizing them, providing ideological validation for misogynistic, misandrist, and extremist worldviews. The use of both explicit andimplicit hate speech in these spaces is consistent with broader reactionary movements that challenge feminist advancements and seek to reinstate patriarchal hegemony (Leidig, 2023). Within this framework, the analysis of discourse in /r9k/ and Crystalcafe provides insight into the ways in which gendered alienation, social resentment, and ideological polarization manifest in contemporary digital environments. The results of the analysis highlight significant differences and similarities between the /r9k/ group and the femcel community of Crystalcafe. Graph 1 and 2 show the percentage distribution of comments across the identified macro-categories: implicit hate speech, explicit hate speech, and category spam (irrelevant comments).

In the case of /r9k/, the majority of analyzed comments contained forms of implicit hate speech, with 35% of comments characterized by explicit hate and only 7% considered irrelevant. Conversely, in the analysis of comments on Crystalcafe, over half of the comments exhibited forms of implicit hate speech, while about a third contained explicit hate. Concerning the total comments, 18% on Crystalcafe were classified as irrelevant. Graph 3 and 4 show the percentage distribution of comments across the identified subcategories.

Both communities display strong in-group dynamics and ideological closure, often reinforced through scapegoating and the use of dehumanizing language. Terms such as “roastie” and “scrote” serve as boundary markers, reinforcing collective identity while portraying the opposite gender as a hostile outgroup. These rhetorical patterns reflect broader discursive mechanisms of polarization, resentment, and exclusion that define the incel and femcel imaginaries. Among the terms most representative of each group are those that contribute to the ecentralized and blaming of the other. In the context of /r9k/, this dynamic is manifested through the use of the term “roastie” to denigrate women, while for Crystalcafe’s femcels, the term “scrote” is employed to disdain men. These results underscore the widespread dissemination of discriminatory and offensive language within both groups, reflecting predominant negative perceptions and ideologies within their respective online communities.

The violent and misogynistic language highlighted in the analysed comments is indicative of deep rooted anger and frustration within the incel and femcel communities. These comments suggest a desire for violence and revenge against the opposite sex, accompanied by a sense of social and sexual ecentralizedn. The frequent use of insults, threats, and incitements to violence reflects a distorted and dangerous mentality, which can have serious consequences for the safety and well-being of those involved. It is important to note that these comments not only reflect individual outrage but also broader dynamics of hatred and discrimination, including transphobia, homophobia, ableism, and racism. These manifestations of intolerance and hate contribute to the creation of a toxic and harmful environment within online communities, further fuelling the cycle of violence and discrimination. Furthermore, it is significant to observe that, despite sharing similar experiences and views on social reality, members of these communities tend to maintain strong individualism and fail to form a cohesive group. This could be attributed to the anonymous and ecentralized nature of online platforms, which fosters isolation and self-pity rather than solidarity and mutual support. Ultimately, the analysis of these comments underscores the importance of proactively addressing hate speech and online hate dynamics. The findings of this study underscore the significant role of online platforms in shaping gendered discourse and reinforcing structural inequalities through digital interaction. The rhetorical and ideological dynamics observed in /r9k/ and Crystalcafe illustrate how hate speech, gender-based grievances, and exclusionary narratives are cultivated and sustained within selfreinforcing online environments. Prior research has demonstrated that online misogyny is not merely an expression of individual hostility but a systemic phenomenon deeply embedded in contemporary socio- political structures (Banet-Weiser, 2018). Similarly, misandrist rhetoric, while lacking the same institutionalized power as misogyny, operates within an oppositional framework that reacts against patriarchal norms.

These dynamics align with the concept of e-bile (Jane, 2012), which captures the extreme forms of digital hostility, often targeting women through hyperbolic insults, threats, and sexually violent language. The unfiltered and often anonymous nature of platforms like /r9k/ and Crystalcafe facilitates the proliferation of e-bile, normalizing aggressive and dehumanizing discourse under the guise of free expression. The intensity and persistence of such discourse illustrate how digital spaces not only reflect but actively amplify societal anxieties and gendered resentments. Moreover, these platforms exemplify the characteristics of toxic technocultures (Massanari, 2015),

where the structural affordances of digital environments — such as weak moderation policies, algorithmic amplification, and community self-regulation — enable and sustain cultures of gendered hostility. The normalization of gendered hate speech within /r9k/ and Crystalcafe reflects a broader backlash against gender equality, aligning with the rise of reactionary movements that exploit narratives of victimhood and resentment (Chouliaraki, 2024). These findings emphasize the necessity of intersectional analyses to examine how digital spaces function as sites of ideological socialization and political mobilization (Ging, 2019).

The extent to which these online discourses translate into offline behaviors — ranging from heightened polarization to real-world acts of gender-based violence — remains a critical area for future research. Addressing these dynamics requires not only policy interventions and content moderation strategies but also a broader societal effort to challenge the ideological conditions that fuel gender-based online extremism.