Abstract: The aim of this research is to conduct a comparative analysis between two web subcultures: incels (male involuntary celibates) and femcels (female involuntary celibates), both marked by a radical view of social reality and strong feelings of envy, anger, and resentment toward the opposite sex. Focusing on the /r9k/ (incels) and Crystal.cafe (femcels) imageboards, it examines how derogatory language fosters group identity and homophilic networks, fueling emotional polarization. Through Digital Media Ethnography, we investigate how these dynamics unfold, exploring whether such interactions deepen exclusion and resentment, with potential implications for real-world social relations.
Keywords: incel, femcel, netnography, hate speech, social polarization.
Incels y femcels: explorando las realidades de género en el celibato involuntario
Resumen: El objetivo de esta investigación es realizar un análisis comparativo entre dos subculturas web: los incels (célibes involuntarios masculinos) y las femcels (célibes involuntarias femeninas), ambas caracterizadas por una visión radical de la realidad social y fuertes sentimientos de envidia, ira y resentimiento hacia el sexo opuesto. Centrándose en los imageboards /r9k/ (incels) y Crystal.cafe (femcels), se examina cómo el lenguaje despectivo fomenta la identidad de grupo y redes homofílicas, intensificando la polarización emocional. A través de la Etnografía de Medios Digitales, investigamos cómo se desarrollan estas dinámicas, explorando si tales interacciones profundizan la exclusión y el resentimiento, con posibles implicaciones para las relaciones sociales en el mundo real.
Palabras clave: incel; femcel; netnografía; discurso de odio; polarización.
Cómo citar: Pasciuto, F., Pizzimenti, D. (2025). Incels vs. femcels: dissecting the gendered realities of involuntary celibacy. Comunicación y género 8(1), e99350. https://dx.doi.org/https://doi.org/10.5209/cgen.99350
1. Introduction
Involuntary celibacy describes the condition of individuals who seek
a romantic or sexual relationship but are unable to form one despite
their efforts (Donnelly et al. 2001). This experience can lead to
frustration, sadness, and social isolation, with negative effects on
self-esteem and psychological well-being (Sparks et al. 2022; Kumari et
al. 2024). The reasons behind involuntary celibacy vary and may include
shyness, low self-confidence, difficulties in social interactions, or
past trauma and some individuals also struggle to find compatible
partners or navigate romantic relationships. Specifically, involuntary celibacy can affect
both men and women, yet societal stereotypes often spotlight the male
experience. It is essential to acknowledge that both genders can
encounter challenges in forming romantic or sexual connections.
Stereotypes may change our understanding, portraying involuntary
celibacy as an exclusively male issue, claiming that women can find
sexual partners wherever and whenever they want (Kay 2022).
However, research shows that women may confront similar barriers,
although influenced by distinct societal pressures or cultural norms
shaping how their situation is perceived (Penna 2024). Although both the
incel and femcel communities share a common bond in experiencing
involuntary celibacy — a circumstance beyond their immediate control —
it is crucial to recognize that they are distinct entities. While they
may be united by this shared experience, they cannot be conflated,
overlapped, or deemed identical.
The aim of this research is to examine differences and similarities
between the incelosphere and the femcelosphere through Digital Media
Ethnography. Using non-participant observation, we analyze comments from
two imageboards - /r9k/ (incels) and Crystalcafe (femcels) - to explore
language use and gender dynamics. This approach highlights both shared
traits and divergences in their online interactions, offering insight
into the digital spaces they inhabit and the socio-cultural forces
shaping their identities.
2. Decoding incels and femcels
The most renowned and extensively researched male masculinist
subgroup of individuals experiencing involuntary celibacy within the
manosphere in academic literature is undoubtedly the incels. The term
“incel” itself reflects their situation, stemming from the combination
of “celibates” and “involuntary”. What characterizes the incel movement
is a sense of victimization coming from identifying themselves as
celibate against their will. These individuals attribute their
loneliness and lack of romantic or sexual relationships to women,
describing themselves as ugly, of low socio-economic status and “beta”
(Ging 2019) and thus less desirable to their female counterparts. Within
these radical groups, there is a prevalent notion of a crisis of
masculinity, attributed to women’s empowerment and their perceived
dominance in Western society (Kelly et al. 2015; Woerner et al. 2018;
Ciccone 2020).
The incel phenomenon, formally considered part of the broader
Manosphere movement, refers to a movement initiated by men and geared
towards other men, characterized by a variety of interconnected
subcultures (Lilly 2016; Ribeiro et al. 2021). Although these movements
serve different purposes, they are interlinked and driven by
anti-feminist, misogynistic, and often violent sentiments (Ging 2019;
Vingelli 2019; Pizzimenti & Pasciuto 2022). Rooted in a hegemonic
notion of masculinity, these groups have gradually expanded and
diversified over time, giving rise to various groups such as the Pick Up
Artists (PUA), the Men’s Rights Activists (MRA), the Men Going Their Own
Way (MGTOW), and the incels.
Among the most prominent concepts in the incel community,
particularly relevant is the Red Pill theory, which originated on Reddit
in 2012 (Farci & Righetti 2019; Cannito et al. 2021; Van Valkenburgh
2021; Vallerga & Zurbriggen 2022) and was inspired by the movie “The
Matrix”. Followers of this theory tend to divide society into two
spheres: those who have taken the red pill who are awakened to the idea
that society promotes a significant falsehood, where women hold the
greatest privileges in a covert manner; and those under the blue pill
effect who remain unaware of living in a world dominated by female sexual
power.
A related yet distinct phenomenon is the emergence of online
communities that position themselves in explicit opposition to the
Manosphere while self-identifying as “feminist”. These communities
center on “women’s interests”, critique misogyny and sexism, and often
espouse explicitly misandrist views, frequently invoking claims of
female supremacy. We refer to this diverse digital ecosystem as the
femosphere – a constellation of women’s online communities that have
proliferated since 2018, primarily on Reddit, in a defensive response to
the manosphere (Kay 2024). Therefore, we conceptualize the femosphere as
a gender-inverted or mirrored counterpart to the manosphere. Some
scholars have described these communities as “analogs” of their
manosphere counterparts (Balci et al. 2023), encompassing groups such as
femcels (Kay 2021; Kay & Johanssen 2024; Pizzimenti & Penna
2024), female dating strategists, Women Going Their Own Way (WGTOW), and
“gender-critical” feminists. Among these groups, femcels are
less widely recognized compared to their male counterparts. The term
originates from the combination of “female” and “involuntary celibate”
and refers to women who experience profound and persistent sexual
frustration, often accompanied by intense emotional isolation. Similar
to incels, femcel also exhibit a significant fixation on physical
appearance, viewing their perceived lack of attractiveness as the
primary source of their discontent, as they believe men are solely drawn
to women’s physical beauty. Within this female domain, there is a rich
selection of subcultures and subgroups, each often differing
significantly from the others. Among femcel ideologies, for instance, we
encounter the Pinkpilled women who draw inspiration from the Radfem
movement, advocating for the Women Going Their Own Way initiative and
focuses on women’s education and empowerment. The Pink Pill movement
emerges predominantly in online spaces, aiming to provide women with a
nuanced understanding of relationship dynamics and male behaviour (Evans
& Lankford 2023; Balci et al. 2023; Pizzimenti & Penna 2024). It
challenges established gender stereotypes by urging women to assert
their rights, desires, and needs within romantic relationships and
society. It supports women in living their romantic and social
relationships with awareness, advocating for assertiveness in pursuing
their desires while rejecting harmful norms or discriminatory
behaviourdifferentiating between toxic individuals and those capable of
fostering healthy relationships. Conversely, like incels, some women
identify themselves as Redpilled, embracing beliefs that emphasise
traditional gender roles, male authority, and skepticism towards certain
aspects of feminism. They may argue that contemporary feminism has led
to the erosion of traditional values and the breakdown of the family
unit, and they may advocate for a return to more traditional gender
roles and values. Yet, there are also groups sharing strategies to gain
male approval and attention. Thus, within the femcelosphere, various
expressions coexist, reflecting different interpretations of femininity
and manifestations of intersecting patterns of social exclusion.Despite
gender-specific challenges, both incels and femcels find relief in
online communities, where they seek validation, support, and
understanding among their shared experiences of loneliness and
frustration. Through an examination of their differences and
similarities, we reward valuable insights into the complex interplay of
gender, society, and relationships in the digital age.
2.1.
Differences and similarities between incels and femcels
Incels and femcels communities have become prominent features of the
digital landscape, representing a complex intersection of social
dynamics, identity, and ideology. These groups often blend in online
forums and imageboards, providing a space for individuals who feel
marginalized or ostracized in the realm of romantic and sexual
relationships. Within these digital communities, members often find
solace in shared experiences, forming bonds through mutual understanding
and empathy. However, this camaraderie can quickly give way to more
toxic elements, as discussions veer into blaming external factors or
even advocating for harmful ideologies. The use of hate speech is one of
the main characteristics associated with the incel community (Pelzer et
al. 2021; Pizzimenti & Pasciuto 2022; Gajo et al. 2023), however,
incitement to hatred and the use of violent language belongs not only to
incels but also to the femcel community. In their large-scale
quantitative study of what they call “Online Women’s Ideological Spaces”
on Reddit, Balci et al. (2023) identify femcels as a “toxic community”,
ategorizing femcels as a “manosphere analog”, because they correspond to
the incel community (i.e. Female Dating Strategy has been
understood as women’s equivalent of male pick-up artistry). Balci et al.
identify the following subreddits as “femcel” groups: r/ Trufemcels;
r/AskTrufemcels; r/Vindicta; r/Pinkpill- Feminism, and r/TheGlowUp.
These femcel groups saw significant user activity until most of them
were banned in 2020 and 2021 by Reddit for promoting hate – presumably
due to transphobia, misandry and racism (Johanssen & Kay, 2024).
Through their study of the r/Vindicta subreddit, Pizzimenti & Penna
2024 identified the use of a common vocabulary that promotes the
adoption of anti-feminist language, along with lookist expressions and
attitudes characteristic of the incel movement. In another study, Cava
& Pizzimenti 2024 associated the Crystalcafe platform with hate
speech and misandrist ideologies, highlighting how a sense of community
emerges from the sharing of a system of shared sentiments, characterized
by narratives centered on anger, misandry, loneliness, and sadness.
In both incel and femcel, expressions of hostility often target the
opposite gender. Within the incel community, this can include derogatory
terms, objectification, sexualization and dehumanization of women, as
well as explicit expressions of violence like rape and murders or harm
towards them. Similarly, in the femcel community, this can take various
forms, including derogatory language, generalizations about men, and
expressions of frustration or anger towards perceived societal
injustices perpetrated by men.
Moreover, the anonymity afforded by online platforms can amplify
extremist views, leading to the proliferation of these forms of
misogyny, misandry, hate speech and prejudice, enabling individuals to
freely voice their opinions, contributing to a phenomenon termed
online disinhibition, as outlined by Suler (2004). Within
digital spaces, this disinhibition can lead to the development of a
fragmented identity, particularly when individuals engage in antisocial
behaviour. The perception of anonymity and absence of consequences in
online environments can intensify such conduct, fostering an atmosphere
conducive to the dissemination of extreme viewpoints and the
proliferation of confrontational and offensive discourse. Moreover, the
echo chamber effect (Garret 2009; Sunstein 2017) reinforces existing
beliefs and can serve to radicalize individuals further. Additionally,
these online communities establish precise rules of behaviour to
maintain order and coherence. In the forums and imageboards they attend,
members create and adhere to guidelines that discipline their
interactions, serving as a code of conduct, delineating what is
acceptable and what is not. Violating these rules often results in
punitive measures such as warnings, temporary suspensions, or outright
bans.
Despite the differing experiences based on gender, both incels and
femcels grapple with similar emotions of loneliness, rejection, and
alienation. In both communities, another striking similarity emerges: a
shared sense of victimhood (Lounela & Murphy 2023; Zimmerman 2024)
that becomes a unifying narrative. Members of these groups share stories
of personal struggles, experiences of rejection, and a pervasive sense
of alienation from mainstream society. This victimhood often fosters a
sense of solidarity within each community, providing a space where
individuals can find validation for their experiences and a sense of
belonging among peers who understand their pain. This narrative can
perpetuate a cycle of resentment and hostility, further entrenching
members in their beliefs. In this complex landscape, another thread that
stands out prominently is even the identification of a common enemy.
While on the surface, these groups may appear to be at odds due to their
differing gender compositions and narratives, a deeper examination
reveals a shared antagonist that transcends traditional gender
boundaries. For incels, the perceived enemy often manifests in the form
of women. Similarly, femcels direct their hate towards men.
However, beyond these gender-specific features, both incels and
femcels identify a broader, systemic enemy that expresses itself through
homophobia, transphobia, racism and ableism (Held 2023; Gheorghe
2024).
Moreover, within the lexicon of these communities, there are
additional terms denoting perceived common enemy. For incels, one such
target is the Simp (Sucker/Sucka Idolizing Mediocre Pussy), a
term used to describe men who are seen as overly submissive or willing
to do anything to gain the affection or attention of women. On the other
hand, femcels often identify Pick-me Girls as a source of
frustration Pizzimenti & Penna 2024, indication of women who seek
validation or approval from men by denigrating other women, adhering
strictly to traditional gender roles, or downplaying their own
accomplishments and interests. These terms, along with others like
Chad and Stacy constitute a shared vocabulary that
facilitates communication within the communities (Cannito et al. 2021;
Menzie 2022). In this lexicon, Chad typically refers to men who
are perceived as conventionally attractive, confident, and successful,
often contrasting with the perceived inadequacies of incels. Similarly,
Stacy is used to describe women who embody societal ideals of
beauty and desirability, often seen as out of reach for incels and
serving as objects of envy or resentment. Through the use of this
vocabulary, members of the incel and femcel communities are able to
articulate their frustrations and shared experiences, forging
connections and finding validation within their respective online
subcultures. Despite their shared traits, these two communities diverge
in fundamental ways. Kay (2022) highlights a key contrast between incel
and femcel communities: while incels are frequently associated with
elements of white supremacism, authoritarian populism, and
anti-feminism, femcels lack such political recognition. This perspective
assumes that incels emerge as a political consequence of societal
changes, wherein perceived loss of power fuels the toxicity within their
community – a phenomenon acknowledged if not condoned. The femcel are
outside of this mechanism and are subject to a double form of abjection:
“cast out from mainstream beauty standards and romance cultures but
simultaneously denied the possibility of building an identity based on
their experiences of exclusion and loneliness” (Kay 2022: 31). Moreover,
the analysis of language employed by the incel and femcel groups
provides a compelling lens through which to examine the perception and
portrayal of the opposite gender. Both communities show manifest disdain
through language saturated with violence, misogyny, misandry, and a
desire to eliminate the opposing gender. However, a notable divergence
surfaces in how members of these groups characterize individuals of the
opposite gender. Incel discourse tends to objectify and sexualize women,
relegating them to mere objects of sexual gratification and disregarding
their multifaceted identities and societal roles, reducing women to mere
tools for sexual satisfaction while disregarding their inherent humanity
and dignity. Conversely, femcels adopt a distinct approach in their
discourse. Rather than sexual objectification, they critique men’s
behaviour, attributing to them violence, animosity towards women, and
culpability for the injustices inflicted on women and children. This
form of language scrutinizes men’s actions over their sexuality,
underscoring femcels’ concerns regarding gender dynamics and patriarchal
violence. In incel culture, these misogynistic acts are further
exemplified by the practice of taking photographs of girls, including
strangers, and posting them on specialized forums for users to vote on,
reflecting the objectifying and sexualized mindset prevalent within the
movement. Moreover, certain militants within the incel sphere have
perpetrated terrorist massacres, including the 2014 murder of six
civilians on a California campus and the running over 11 pedestrians in
Canada (Hoffman et al. 2020). Notably, such violence has yet to be
associated with the femcel community, as they have not committed any
terrorist or criminal acts.
3. Study desing
This research is based on Digital Media Ethnography (Sumiala &
Tikka, 2020), a qualitative methodology designed to examine online
spaces as dynamic and socially constructed environments. Unlike
traditional ethnographic methods, which rely on direct engagement with
community members, digital ethnography is particularly suited for
studying online subcultures and ideological movements that exist
exclusively in digital environments. Digital ethnography was developed
to examine the dynamics of online spaces, focusing on how the
architecture of digital environments shapes user behavior, interactions,
and cultural processes. This methodological approach goes beyond merely
analyzing the content of online interactions; it also considers how
these interactions are structured. This study focuses on two
imageboards, /r9k/ and Crystalcafe, analyzing textual comments and
identifying keywords related to hate speech to understand how such
discourses emerge and develop within these online communities.
Imageboards are anonymous digital platforms where users exchange content
and engage in discussion without the constraints of fixed identities.
Their structure encourages unfiltered expression, making them fertile
ground for the development of radicalized discourses. Among various
imageboards, /r9k/ and Crystalcafe were selected due to their centrality
within incel and femcel communities. In contrast, Crystalcafe, designed
as a female-oriented alternative to 4chan, has become a primary
discussion space for women who identify with the femcel subculture
(Pizzimenti & Penna 2024). While the rhetoric on Crystalcafe tends
to be less overtly violent than that found on / r9k/, it nonetheless
reflects a polarized view of gender relations. The analysis of these two
imageboards provides a valuable opportunity to explore how language and
digital interactions contribute to the formation and radicalization of
groups unified by a shared perception of social and sexual exclusion.
The absence of regulation and the anonymity embedded in these platforms
foster a sense of belonging, intensifying frustration and resentment
that manifest in hate speech dynamics and the construction of the
“other” as an enemy. The research adopted a non-participant
observational approach (“lurking”) to collect data without community
interference. While ethical debates around invisibility persist (Boyd
& Crawford, 2012), this strategy allowed for the unobtrusive capture
of discourse in its natural form (Delli Paoli & Masullo, 2022). To
further ensure participant anonymity, direct quotations have been
anonymized, and any personally identifiable information has been
removed. For ethical reasons, data were not reported exactly as they
appear on the platform, and although all data collected were publicly
available, only ummarized excerpts were included to prevent
identification.
A better understanding of the analysed phenomenon can benefit from an
overview of the platforms, including their historical development,
community characteristics, and ideological frameworks, crucial for
interpreting the linguistic patterns and hate speech dynamics analyzed
in this study./r9k/ emerged as a male-dominated space on 4chan and has
since evolved into a hub for incel ideology. Crystalcafe, by contrast,
was created as a female-oriented alternative to similar anonymous
forums, becoming a key site for femcel discourse. On the site,
participants can engage in discussions on a wide range of topics,
divided into thematic categories. Despite the absence of precise data on
the exact number of active users, the platform appears relatively
popular among women seeking exclusively female spaces, with a
significant level of interactions and numerous discussions ongoing every
day. Given the anonymous nature of the site, it is difficult to
determine the exact number of active users at any given time; however,
the community appears to be dynamic and engaged. Similar to other online
communities, Crystalcafe uses a verbal and visual language enriched with
memes, subcultural terms, and references to the wider web culture.
Crystalcafe can be considered a reference point for women adhering to
the principles of the Pink Pill movement and seeking support and an
online community.
3.1. Data collection
The research was conducted between April and May 2023, during which
data collection and analysis took place. As a first step, the
researchers personally read and examined all the comments included in
the analysis to ensure a comprehensive understanding of the discourse
and its nuances. This preliminary phase allowed for an initial
familiarization with recurring themes, linguistic patterns, and the
overall tone of interactions within the selected imageboards.
Subsequently, the comments and keywords were manually selected and
categorized with the assistance of the Nvivo software for digital
material storage (Coppola, 2011), while the understanding and
interpretation of the texts are guided by the expertise of the
researchers themselves. The selection of comments and thread messages
under study followed a targeted approach (Patton, 1990; Delli Paoli,
Masullo, 2022). Specifically, comments that inspired interest within the
online community, i.e., those that received a high number of comments
and interactions, were identified and preserved. For the present
analysis, we collected a sample of 2,043 comments and conducted a
qualitative content analysis. The analyzed sample derives from a
non-probabilistic sampling procedure aimed at ensuring “typological”
rather than statistical representativeness. In other words, the intent
is to provide a description of a reality present on digital platforms,
without guaranteeing correspondence between the selected sample and the
entire population of Crystalcafe and /r9k/ users. Given that premise,
despite the qualitative nature of this study, we considered it useful to
include graphical elements as a complementary tool to enhance the
systematic organization and interpretation of data. Digital Media
Ethnography requires structuring large volumes of textual content to
identify patterns and trends within online discourse. By categorizing
comments into different categories and subcategories, the use of
percentages allows for a clearer representation of how these features
characterize incel and femcel communities. These quantitative elements
provide a structured overview that facilitates the comparison of
recurring patterns, making qualitative interpretations more transparent
and grounded in empirical data. During the analysis process, we applied
a deductive coding methodology to systematically categorize the
contributions under study into various subcategories and aggregate them
into three main macro-categories. First, we identified “explicit hate
speech” as a category characterized by direct expressions of hatred and
contempt. This includes personal insults, targeting specific
individuals, general insults, aimed at collectives, and concrete threats
of physical, psychological, or other forms of violence. The
classification follows established conceptual paradigms, defining
insults as expressions that attack individuals or groups based on their
characteristics and are insulting, derogatory, or degrading (Erjavec
& Kovačič, 2012; Rieger et al., 2021). Additionally, we analyzed the
context of personal insults and identified the subjects targeted by
general insults.
The second macro-category, labelled “implicit hate speech”, involved
various subcategories, including “negative stereotyping”,
“disinformation/ conspiracy theories”, “ingroup elevation”, and “inhuman
ideology”. This classification regards those comments that manifested
less explicit but still evident forms of hatred, such as negative
stereotypes, the spread of misinformation, excessive idealization of
some groups over others, and ideologies that ehumanizing and ehumanizi
people. This phenomenon exhibits significant conceptual overlap with the
notion of “fear speech”, previously delineated by Buyse (2014),
characterized by the strategic intent to instil existential fears
towards specific social groups, emphasizing alleged threats or ambitions
for future dominance (Saha, Mathew, Garimella, & Mukherjee, 2021;
Rieger et al., 2021). It is important to emphasize that incitement to
implicit hate displays in various forms within the intentional
dissemination of false news, involving the conscious dissemination of
false statements or conspiracy theories regarding specific social
groups, with the explicit aim of marginalizing them (Hajok & Selg,
2018; Rieger et al., 2021) promoting negative prejudices. A concrete
example is the term “roastie,” used by /r9k/ militants to refer to
women, may not seem offensive in Itself, but within its context, it
conveys dehumanization, contempt, and hatred. A similar example can be
found in the terms “XY”, “scrote”, and “comer” used by the femcel group
on Crystalcafe. Although seemingly innocuous, such terms in the context
in which they are employed clearly denote a ehumanizing and denigratory
perception towards men, manifesting a sense of contempt and hostility.
The third macro category, labelled “category spam”, contains comments
that could not be assigned to the hate categories outlined above and
were therefore of little use for the analysis.
3.2. Data analysis and
discussion
The prevalence of gendered hate speech in online communities such as
/r9k/ and Crystalcafe must be understood within the broader
socio-political landscape of digital misogyny, online extremism, and
gender-based radicalization. Scholars have extensively documented how
digital subcultures shape, normalize, and amplify gendered grievances,
reinforcing exclusionary narratives that position men and women as
adversaries. These platforms do not merely reflect existing societal
biases; they actively participate in shaping and legitimizing them,
providing ideological validation for misogynistic, misandrist, and
extremist worldviews. The use of both explicit andimplicit hate speech
in these spaces is consistent with broader reactionary movements that
challenge feminist advancements and seek to reinstate patriarchal
hegemony (Leidig, 2023). Within this framework, the analysis of
discourse in /r9k/ and Crystalcafe provides insight into the ways in
which gendered alienation, social resentment, and ideological
polarization manifest in contemporary digital environments. The results
of the analysis highlight significant differences and similarities
between the /r9k/ group and the femcel community of Crystalcafe. Graph 1 and 2 show the percentage distribution of comments
across the identified macro-categories: implicit hate speech, explicit
hate speech, and category spam (irrelevant comments).
Graph 1 - Classification of comments into macro-categories for the r9k
community
Own elaboration
Graph 2 - Classification of comments into macro-categories for the
Crystalcafe community
Own elaboration
In the case of /r9k/, the majority of analyzed comments contained
forms of implicit hate speech, with 35% of comments characterized by
explicit hate and only 7% considered irrelevant. Conversely, in the
analysis of comments on Crystalcafe, over half of the comments exhibited
forms of implicit hate speech, while about a third contained explicit
hate. Concerning the total comments, 18% on Crystalcafe were classified
as irrelevant. Graph 3 and 4 show the percentage distribution of
comments across the identified subcategories.
Graph 3 - Trend of comments characterized by implicit and explicit
hate speech in the r/9k community
Own elaboration
Graph 4 - Trend of comments characterized by implicit and explicit
hate speech in the r/9k community
Own elaboration
Both communities display strong in-group dynamics and ideological
closure, often reinforced through scapegoating and the use of
dehumanizing language. Terms such as “roastie” and “scrote” serve as
boundary markers, reinforcing collective identity while portraying the
opposite gender as a hostile outgroup. These rhetorical patterns reflect
broader discursive mechanisms of polarization, resentment, and exclusion
that define the incel and femcel imaginaries. Among the terms most
representative of each group are those that contribute to the
ecentralized and blaming of the other. In the context of /r9k/, this
dynamic is manifested through the use of the term “roastie” to denigrate
women, while for Crystalcafe’s femcels, the term “scrote” is employed to
disdain men. These results underscore the widespread dissemination of
discriminatory and offensive language within both groups, reflecting
predominant negative perceptions and ideologies within their respective
online communities.
User form Cristalcafe: We should chain men like that
together in basements and set them on fire. Fuck trials, fuck prison,
and first we should gouge out all their eyes
User from /r9k/: It’s time to attack women in public. Every
time you see a woman dressed like that, attack her. Throw shit at her,
call her a whore, insult her, hit her on the head and run away. I always
carry a bottle of water with me and every time I see a woman like that,
I throw my water on her head and run away.
The violent and misogynistic language highlighted in the analysed
comments is indicative of deep rooted anger and frustration within the
incel and femcel communities. These comments suggest a desire for
violence and revenge against the opposite sex, accompanied by a sense of
social and sexual ecentralizedn. The frequent use of insults, threats,
and incitements to violence reflects a distorted and dangerous
mentality, which can have serious consequences for the safety and
well-being of those involved. It is important to note that these
comments not only reflect individual outrage but also broader dynamics
of hatred and discrimination, including transphobia, homophobia,
ableism, and racism. These manifestations of intolerance and hate
contribute to the creation of a toxic and harmful environment within
online communities, further fuelling the cycle of violence and
discrimination. Furthermore, it is significant to observe that, despite
sharing similar experiences and views on social reality, members of
these communities tend to maintain strong individualism and fail to form
a cohesive group. This could be attributed to the anonymous and
ecentralized nature of online platforms, which fosters isolation and
self-pity rather than solidarity and mutual support. Ultimately, the
analysis of these comments underscores the importance of proactively
addressing hate speech and online hate dynamics. The findings of this
study underscore the significant role of online platforms in shaping
gendered discourse and reinforcing structural inequalities through
digital interaction. The rhetorical and ideological dynamics observed in
/r9k/ and Crystalcafe illustrate how hate speech, gender-based
grievances, and exclusionary narratives are cultivated and sustained
within selfreinforcing online environments. Prior research has
demonstrated that online misogyny is not merely an expression of
individual hostility but a systemic phenomenon deeply embedded in
contemporary socio- political structures (Banet-Weiser, 2018).
Similarly, misandrist rhetoric, while lacking the same institutionalized
power as misogyny, operates within an oppositional framework that reacts
against patriarchal norms.
These dynamics align with the concept of e-bile (Jane,
2012), which captures the extreme forms of digital hostility, often
targeting women through hyperbolic insults, threats, and sexually
violent language. The unfiltered and often anonymous nature of platforms
like /r9k/ and Crystalcafe facilitates the proliferation of e-bile,
normalizing aggressive and dehumanizing discourse under the guise of
free expression. The intensity and persistence of such discourse
illustrate how digital spaces not only reflect but actively amplify
societal anxieties and gendered resentments. Moreover, these platforms
exemplify the characteristics of toxic technocultures
(Massanari, 2015),
where the structural affordances of digital environments — such as
weak moderation policies, algorithmic amplification, and community
self-regulation — enable and sustain cultures of gendered hostility. The
normalization of gendered hate speech within /r9k/ and Crystalcafe
reflects a broader backlash against gender equality, aligning with the
rise of reactionary movements that exploit narratives of victimhood and
resentment (Chouliaraki, 2024). These findings emphasize the necessity
of intersectional analyses to examine how digital spaces function as
sites of ideological socialization and political mobilization (Ging,
2019).
The extent to which these online discourses translate into offline
behaviors — ranging from heightened polarization to real-world acts of
gender-based violence — remains a critical area for future research.
Addressing these dynamics requires not only policy interventions and
content moderation strategies but also a broader societal effort to
challenge the ideological conditions that fuel gender-based online
extremism.
4. Conclusion
The analysis of online communities such as r9k and Crystalcafe
provides a valuable opportunity to understand the complex dynamics and
social implications of the incel and femcel phenomena. Despite
significant differences in the manifestations of violence and hate
speech expression, both groups demonstrate profound misogyny and
misandry, as well as a tendency towards echo chamber closure.
Similarities between the two phenomena include the widespread use of
discriminatory and offensive language, the construction of a strong
collective identity, and the quest for support and connection among
individuals marginalized by traditional social scenarios. The context of
online communities such as /r9k/ and Crystalcafe necessitates a detailed
analysis of their dynamics and consequences to understand how
individuals feeling isolated offline find support and connection with
others facing similar issues and concerns within these virtual
communities. The prevalence of hate speech, both implicit and explicit,
within both groups underscores the persistence of discriminatory and
offensive attitudes within virtual communities. This phenomenon not only
reflects predominant negative perceptions and ideologies in these online
environments but may also contribute to perpetuating and reinforcing
such attitudes in the offline world (Noble, 2018). Gender dynamics
within online communities can be complex and reflect and amplify
inequalities and biases present in broader society (Kay, 2022). Hate
speech, or speech that promotes hatred or violence against a particular
group, is an extreme manifestation of these dynamics as it reflects and
reinforces misogynistic and misandrist ideologies present in
society.
Online hate speech can have multiple negative consequences. Firstly,
it can contribute to creating a toxic and hostile climate within virtual
communities, making it difficult for individuals to express themselves
freely and feel safe and respected within such spaces (Benesch, 2013).
Secondly, it can fuel a cycle of discrimination and gender-based
violence, tigmatizat and tigmatizati discriminatory and offensive
behaviours. The presence of a strong collective identity and a tendency
towards echo chamber closure indicates the formation of isolated and
self-referential groups, where ideas and opinions are amplified and
reinforced with- out adequate engagement with differing viewpoints. This
phenomenon can lead to radicalization and tigmatizati of opinions,
limiting the possibility of dialogue and mutual understanding (Sunstein,
2017; Pariser, 2011; Zuckerman, 2014;). The “construction of the enemy”
is a phenomenon often contextual to social categorization, which can
reinforce individuals’ belonging to a group by highlighting the negative
aspects of other
groups (Galimberti, 2013). These cognitive processes allow
individuals to simplify the complexity of the world but can also fuel
stereotypes, tigmatization, and rejection of others. The presence of
gendered hate speech and symbolic violence within anonymous communities
such as /r9k/ and Crystalcafe underscores the need for continued
scholarly attention to the dynamics of radicalization, digital
resentment, and gendered online extremism. Future research should
investigate how these narratives circulate beyond their origin platforms
and influence wider socio-political imaginaries
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Financiación:
Esta investigación no recibió inanciación externa.
Declaración de conflicto de intereses:
Este artículo es parte del proyecto doctoral de Shuo Peng, quien
desempeñó un papel principal en el análisis de datos y la redacción del
texto. Carme Bach, en calidad de directora del proyecto, proporcionó
orientación teórica y metodológica, además de ofrecer retroalimentación
en las diversas revisiones del artículo. Ambos autores contribuyeron al
artículo y respaldan la versión definitiva.
